University of Hawai'i Press
  • “A Missionary from the East to Western Pagans”:Kagawa Toyohiko’s 1936 U.S. Tour*
Abstract

The 1936 U.S. tour by Japanese Protestant evangelist and social reformer Kagawa Toyohiko shows that the Christian missionary enterprise did not go in only one direction. Leading American Protestants welcomed Kagawa’s aid in demonstrating Christianity’s relevance during the Great Depression, hoping that his identification with the poor and his strategy of building economic cooperatives would resonate in the United States. The author characterizes the tour’s organizers, including current and former American missionaries, as “critical internationalists,” whose interactions with the wider world convinced them that they needed to learn from others and that their own society needed to change.

The poem might have been written by any missionary preaching in a land where he felt the Christian message needed to be heard:

Midnight—by my couch I kneel;Midday—by my chair I kneel;Praying for this land where I sojourn awhile. …Almighty God! We pray TheeResurrect Thy love in this fair land.

But the Christian missionary here was Japanese, and he wrote the poem in February 1936 during his six-month tour of the United States, when he was forty-seven years old:

This is my prayer in Kansas,And in Arizona too;Again in Tennessee I kneel;And here repeat in Iowa.1 [End Page 577]

Kagawa Toyohiko2 was the most renowned Japanese Christian in the first half of the twentieth century—one writer at the time called him the best-known Japanese in the world3—and his coast-to-coast U.S. tour from December 1935 to July 1936 attracted wide coverage in the American secular press as well as in Christian publications. The visit by the Japanese evangelist, whom Time magazine dubbed “Japan’s No. 1 Christian,” led to such headlines as “Bringing Christianity to ‘Hell America,’” in the Literary Digest, and “Kagawa Pleads for More ‘Fire’ in Christianity,” in the New York Herald-Tribune. Kagawa, a socialist and a pacifist, also brought a specific economic message to the United States on his tour: as the Indianapolis Times put it in one headline during his visit to that city, “Eliminate Profit Motives, Kagawa Tells Churchmen.”4

In recent years Christian missionaries to the United States from abroad, especially from Africa and South Korea, have become more common, often with an almost exclusive focus on individual salvation, and at times forming alliances with the American “religious right.”5 Kagawa and his sponsors, on the other hand, represented the Social Gospel wing of Christianity—even, one may say, an early version of the “liberation theology” brought to the United States by those Americans who worked closely with Latin American radical Catholics from the 1960s to the 1980s.6 Indeed, when U.S. immigration authorities quarantined Kagawa on Angel Island in the San Francisco Bay as his tour was to begin—because of concerns about a possibly contagious eye disease—his supporters charged that such concerns simply covered [End Page 578] for the “capitalistic and militaristic elements,” as one put it, who were trying to prevent Kagawa from reaching a broad American audience in the midst of the Great Depression and a time of U.S.-Japanese tension. Only the “personal interest” that President Franklin Roosevelt and Secretary of Labor Frances Perkins took in the case facilitated his release, which included an arrangement by which Kagawa would be accompanied at all times by a physician and a nurse, and would refrain from shaking hands with his well-wishers.7

An analysis of Kagawa’s visit to the United States contributes to the reexamination of three topics that are important in world history: American relations with Japan in the years before the two battled each other in World War II, the transnational nature of twentieth-century reform movements and responses to the Great Depression, and the nature and trajectory of the Christian missionary enterprise. As Americans sought to learn from this outsider—indeed, from an Asian leader whose compatriots were at that very moment barred from immigration to the United States because of their racial classification—we can also see that the “isolationism” that has long been said to characterize U.S. politics and society in the interwar period was by no means complete. More broadly, this case study fits into one of the predominant motifs of world history as an intellectual discipline: the influence of the traveler from one society to another in bringing new ideas and modifying the perspectives of each about the other.

In order to explain how World War II in the Pacific between the Americans and the Japanese became so infused with racial hatred, John Dower in 1986 characterized their prior interactions as a virtually unrelieved set of hostilities, misunderstandings, and worse. Walter LaFeber’s more narrowly political analysis showed some elements of sympathy at times between the two nations, though very few between 1920 and 1945, and he expressed clearly his thesis about such relations in his book’s title: The Clash.8 While compelling in many respects, and certainly influential, the perspectives of Dower and LaFeber downplay, [End Page 579] especially for the interwar years, the respect that some people in each society had for those in the other. Recent historians have sought to fill in these gaps, bringing to light, for example, the enthusiasm with which Americans greeted the first ambassadors from Japan in 1860 as they toured the United States, and the respect that many American missionaries in Japan at the beginning of the twentieth century had for both Japanese tradition and its embrace of modernity.9 Although Kagawa’s 1936 visit could not forestall the growth of tensions between the two nations that soon led to World War II, this study demonstrates that a tradition of friendship persisted between elements of both nations within the more dominant atmosphere of mistrust and hatred.

World history as a discipline has been developing in tandem with the “internationalization of U.S. history,” an effort to show, among other things, how events and ideas that developed outside of the United States affected this nation. Daniel Rodgers, for example, has shown that many of the reforms in the United States from the Progressive Era and the New Deal developed first in Europe, and he explains how Americans traveling or working in Europe or meeting with European visitors adapted these ideas for implementation in the United States. Thomas Bender has extended geographically the study of such interconnections in reform movements to Asia and Latin America, but his treatment of the 1930s is merely suggestive.10 Kagawa’s economic reformism manifested itself by the mid 1930s primarily in building producers’ and consumers’ cooperatives in Japan, and the Protestants who sponsored his 1936 visit to the United States sought to use his knowledge and his prestige to stimulate the development of such co-ops in this nation. Thus, an analysis of his visit deepens our understanding of the interaction between American and foreign reform movements in the case of economic cooperatives, and highlights this oft-neglected effort during the Depression to fashion what its backers conceived [End Page 580] of as a Christian economic order distinct from both capitalism and communism.11

Kagawa’s visit to the United States also challenges us to look more closely at American involvement in missionary activity. In her recent survey of the historical literature on American overseas missionary activities, Dana Robert pointed to the interpretive sea change that occurred in the 1960s. By the end of that turbulent decade, she notes, “there was scarcely a work written on American Protestant missions that did not focus on their role in promoting imperialism.”12 However, Robert emphasizes that much of the most recent work, from the 1980s onward, sees “the significance of missions for American history … in international relationships,” in how indigenous peoples and religions shaped American Protestant mission work, and not just the other way around.13 In a study of the impact that American overseas missionaries had on U.S. society, Daniel Bays and Grant Wacker also reject the 1960s paradigm, suggesting that many missionaries spurred “selfreflection and self-criticism” about American society itself, and helped “their compatriots to see the United States as outsiders saw it.”14 [End Page 581]

An examination of Kagawa’s under-studied U.S. tour15 corroborates the analyses of Robert, Bays, and Wacker that in some cases the missionary enterprise did not support American empire or the ideology that the United States and the West had the unquestioned right and obligation to inculcate religious truth and civilization on others. Indeed, this investigation reveals an instance in which American Protestants wanted their compatriots to learn from a foreigner—indeed, from someone from a predominantly non-Christian land—and from someone who had previously made well-publicized and highly critical comments about the United States. Those Americans responsible for planning Kagawa’s tour, including many with long experience as missionaries, had become what I have elsewhere called “critical internationalists”—Americans who believed that in order to engage productively with others a critical approach toward the American role in [End Page 582] the world had become necessary.16 Thus, this study provides background for David Hollinger’s recent argument that ecumenical Protestantism in the United States, bolstered by its encounters with predominantly non-Christian peoples, became after 1945 an important proponent of anti-racist and multicultural perspectives in both the domestic and international spheres.17

In demonstrating that the influence of the Christian religion went in more than one direction, this study of Kagawa’s tour corroborates an essential operating assumption of present-day scholars: ideas travel back and forth between societies, and some of these trajectories run counter to popular preconceptions. An in-depth examination of Kagawa’s reception by Americans is necessary to show just how much of a mark this outsider made on the United States, albeit for a brief moment in time.

American Protestant missionaries began working in Japan in the late 1850s after its “opening” by Commodore Matthew Perry. In the 1870s and 1880s, as the nation industrialized and “Westernized,” many Japanese welcomed missionaries as teachers of English, although conversions to Christianity were rare. The earlier inroads of Catholicism, led by the Spaniard Francis Xavier in the sixteenth and seventeenth centuries, though ruthlessly obliterated by the Tokugawa shoguns, contributed both to a suspicion and harassment of Christians by the Meiji rulers three centuries later and a sense of historical continuity— [End Page 583] and of righteous martyrdom—among those who embraced the new faith. By the 1930s Kagawa himself estimated that there were about 300,000 Christians in Japan, about equally divided between Protestants and Catholics—or about 0.5 percent of the population of 65 million. Nevertheless, missionaries through the end of World War I were optimistic about their progress in Japan, in part because the nation itself seemed to be copying the Western—and Christian—nations in its “modernization” and even territorial expansion, and in part because Christian converts were disproportionately represented among educated social reformers.18

The “critical internationalist” approach began to make serious inroads among Protestant missionaries in the aftermath of World War I, which shattered the Western sense of superiority and helped usher in a permanent decline in missionary recruits. It accelerated with the onset of the Great Depression, which raised questions about the viability of capitalism. This internal critique of the traditional missionary enterprise culminated in 1932 in the controversial multivolume Laymen’s Foreign Missions Inquiry, along with the summary report, Re-Thinking Missions, written mainly by Harvard philosopher William Hocking. As Fred Yoder wrote in the volume on Japan, “The Fundamentalist ‘Christian Epic,’ with its implication that Oriental peoples are ‘heathen’ to be ‘saved’ by Western Christianity, will no longer suffice as a basis for missionary work. The Japanese people are highly intelligent, and must be approached in all respects as equals.”19 [End Page 584]

The timing of Kagawa’s visit was, of course, important. In early 1936 the United States was in the seventh year of the Great Depression. While important New Deal reforms had been implemented, unemployment remained stubbornly high—over 15 percent—and labor–management conflict had already led to a wave of mass strikes in 1934. The nation was about to embark on a presidential campaign that Franklin Roosevelt would easily win, but in which the pitched rhetoric of class conflict would make a rare appearance in American electoral politics. The Depression had clearly shaken middle-class Americans, of whom the Protestants who would flock to Kagawa’s appearances were an important segment. Japan, meanwhile, had been hard hit by the Depression at the outset: the income of farmers reportedly fell by two-thirds between 1926 and 1931, and the protectionist tariffs that many nations imposed contributed to massive job losses among Japanese textile workers. The worst effects of the economic downturn were relatively brief for Japanese factories, however, as currency devaluation helped stimulate exports and the increase in military spending, especially after the so-called Manchurian Incident of 1931, provided what was in essence a Keynesian economic stimulus.20 The trajectory of Japanese militarism would not be fully revealed until the second half of 1937, when open war with China broke out after the battle of Marco Polo Bridge in July and the gruesome Rape of Nanjing in December, so Kagawa’s visit came during a relative lull in U.S.-Japanese tensions.

Kagawa’s 1936 tour of the United States was a clear success in numbers, organization, and publicity. He appeared in 150 cities and towns over six months—from San Diego to Maine, Birmingham to Seattle, and Lubbock to Duluth—often speaking three or four times a day in a single city. Perhaps 750,000 Americans attended his addresses (and others heard him on the radio), with huge numbers in some urban centers, according to local newspapers or correspondents: 20,000 in both [End Page 585] Boston and Chicago, 12,000 in Philadelphia, 9,000 in Memphis, 7,000 in Louisville, 7,500 in St. Louis. Kagawa appeared at seven events in Seattle over two days, and 5,000 people heard him at four New York City events on a single day, with thousands more on other days.21 His college appearances were impressive in both attendance and diversity, addressing 1,200 students at Columbia University and 1,500 at the allblack Tennessee Agricultural and Industrial College.22 A highlight of the tour was the invitation to Kagawa by Colgate-Rochester Divinity School to deliver the prestigious Walter Rauschenbusch lectures, named for the leading figure of the Progressive Era Social Gospel movement. These lectures were published as Brotherhood Economics, which one sympathetic commentator declared would “hereafter be considered a text-book of the Christian cooperative movement throughout the world.”23 Kagawa spoke in small towns as well, with three presentations on March 8 in the Bellaire, Ohio, high school, for example.24

Nominally organized by an independent committee headed by Rev. J. Henry Carpenter of the Brooklyn Federation of Churches, the visit had the enthusiastic support of the Federal Council of the Churches of Christ (FCC)—the forerunner of today’s National Council of the Churches of Christ—and especially of the director of its Industrial [End Page 586] Department, the ardently pro-labor Rev. James Myers, a key booster of economic cooperatives.25 The FCC extravagantly publicized Kagawa’s tour in its publications, including highlighting it on the cover of its magazine in December 1935, January 1936, and March 1936. Local interdenominational councils sponsored visits in many cities, and Kagawa’s appearances often coincided with statewide or regional church council meetings. Thus, his message would be relayed by local Protestant leaders back to their home churches and communities. For example, when Kagawa played in Peoria, he addressed a group of one thousand at the Illinois Church Council conference.26

The two most important independent liberal Protestant magazines, Chicago’s The Christian Century (nondenominational) and New York City’s The Churchman (Episcopalian), published editorials, articles, or letters about Kagawa’s visit in almost every issue from December 1935 to July 1936. But so, too, did official denominational publications not usually cited as progressive, like the weekly Nashville-based Christian Advocate, which featured five articles on Kagawa’s ideas and appearances in the three issues from 24 January to 7 February 1936.27 Meanwhile, to coincide with the tour, religious and commercial publishers issued or reissued books by and about Kagawa, which they heavily advertised and promoted.28 Liberal Protestant ministers gave laudatory [End Page 587] sermons about Kagawa during the tour, and Rabbi Philip Bernstein of Rochester told his Jewish congregation: “If we were to search the entire world for a Christian whose life most nearly approximates that of the founder of the religion, I could find no finer example than Kagawa.”29

Kagawa had a compelling “story,” as modern publicists would put it, which attracted attention both in Japan and in the United States. Put most simply, he was the son of an imperial official and a concubine, born in 1888. His father died when Kagawa was four, and he was raised by relatives in what he always called a loveless home. Upon his conversion to Christianity as a teenager after studying with Southern Presbyterian missionary Rev. Harry Myers, Kagawa’s family, in essence, disinherited him, and the young man felt a calling to live out the actions of Jesus by ministering to the poor in one of the worst slums in industrializing Japan, Kobe’s Shinkawa district. There he combined evangelism with social service work, but he also contracted both tuberculosis and trachoma, and more than once appeared on the verge of death. Kagawa received a chance to attend Princeton Theological Seminary from 1914 to 1916, but he studied science almost as much as theology and took the opportunity to observe New York City slums and the workings of urban labor unions. Upon his return to Japan, Kagawa became involved in more political reform activities: helping to found the Japan Federation of Labor; leading a major dockworkers’ strike in [End Page 588] Kobe in 1921, and serving time in jail as a result; becoming an officer of the Japan Peasants’ Union and the Japan Labor Party; agitating for universal suffrage; writing best-selling thinly veiled autobiographical novels of life in Japan’s slums as well as sociologically informed reports on the causes of pauperism. The Japanese government reversed its hostile attitude to Kagawa after Tokyo’s 1923 earthquake, turning to him to help reconstruct the capital and later asking him to supervise urban renewal efforts in several cities. By the late 1920s Kagawa was devoting more of his time to creating a range of economic cooperatives, especially but not only for farmers, including purchasing, credit, marketing, consumer, mutual aid, insurance, and utilities enterprises; by the mid 1930s perhaps six million Japanese people—almost a tenth of the nation’s population—belonged to such societies. He financed his wide-ranging evangelistic and social reform activities largely through the income his writings generated from Japanese readers: Asia expert Upton Close noted in 1932 that Kagawa “has just begun the publication in the largest Japanese newspaper of another nation-stirring serial novel called ‘Two Sparrows,’ revealing the tragedy of the Japanese factory women.” Kagawa was by then “one of the best-known figures in Japan, whether among the Christian community or in government,” as a London magazine put it.30 [End Page 589]

In 1932 William Axling, a veteran American Baptist missionary to Japan who knew Kagawa well and ardently supported his work, wrote the first book in English on the Japanese leader; Axling summed up Kagawa as “the Christian Socialist, the champion of the underprivileged classes, the daring labor leader and the consistent and persistent critic and foe of the present capitalistic, acquisitive social and economic order.”31

There were other aspects of Kagawa’s thought that led to his high reputation with Americans, and especially with the FCC and other liberal Protestants. While Presbyterian, Kagawa was little interested in sectarian differences among Christians. He played the key role in launching the Kingdom of God movement, a nondenominational evangelical effort to convert one million Japanese to Christianity, which, while not successful in its numerical goals, brought Christianity out of the cities to the countryside and led to more joint work among the Protestant sects. Such an effort paralleled the FCC’s own mission in the American religious landscape of encouraging joint work among denominations.32 Kagawa’s socialism and activism in secular public affairs—like the similar affinities of the earlier American exponent of the Social Gospel, Walter Rauschenbusch—drew directly from the well-known passage of Luke 4:18–19:

Jesus’s understanding of the Gospel included economic emancipation (preaching to the poor), psychological emancipation (healing the broken-hearted), social emancipation (recovery of sight to the blind), and political emancipation (setting at liberty them that are bruised).33

Kagawa’s theology emphasized the significance of “the Cross,” which he interpreted as personal sacrifice and service to others. “Divine love was made real through the cross,” wrote Kagawa, and one of his American supporters summarized his approach to sacrifice as follows: “[W]hen one suffers all suffer; and therefore society cannot be saved, cannot even be made safe for the more fortunate, unless there is sacrificial effort on behalf of the less fortunate. If we do not willingly suffer for each other because of love, then we must suffer with each other because [End Page 590] we are bound together in society.”34 This “Cross-embracing love” must not be devoted merely to individual salvation, Kagawa proclaimed, but “to save society as a whole” through its “economic implications.” It has been “the modern capitalistic system,” moreover, that “has trodden the Cross underfoot,” and a proper “Cross-consciousness,” which conjoined religion and economics, would “care for the unemployed and redeem the loss caused by panic.”35

Galen Fisher, the former director of the Japanese YMCA, expressed an idea that would become commonplace in describing Kagawa: that he “so identified himself with the problems of poverty and moral lapse that he has become, for the whole world, a symbol of Christ-living in the twentieth century.”36 Kagawa’s simultaneous embrace of modern science, political and economic reform, and the kind of evangelism that emphasized winning souls for Christ led some of his American supporters to hope that he could bridge the gap between fundamentalists and modernists that had nearly sundered American Protestantism in the 1920s and early 1930s. Carpenter, for example, described Kagawa’s approach as “a unique synthesis between religion and action, between the individual and the social Gospel.”37

Kagawa by the mid 1920s also repudiated Marxism and Bolshevism for their willingness to use violence to attain their ends and for their incitement of class hatred against individual capitalists. “In the New Testament type of communism [Kagawa] finds the answer to Marxian socialism,” wrote one early biographer.38 This middle way appealed to Christians “who have become painfully aware of the ethical inadequacy of our present economic structure,” as a Federal Council Bulletin editorial put it, but who equally viewed communism’s “atheistic [End Page 591] materialism” as “repugnant.” As Japanese communism became more influential in the late 1920s, Baptist missionary Henry Topping wrote that “Kagawa stands forth as the bulwark against this doctrine of revolution by violence.” The liberal Protestant minister Harry Emerson Fosdick later told how Kagawa, in a briefer 1931 visit to the United States, overcame communist “agitators” who had come to disrupt his appearance at New York City’s Riverside Church.39 Even here Kagawa challenged the Protestant churches: “doctrinal and individualistic Christianity must be held responsible for the spread of materialistic communism in the nations of the West,” he wrote; only a communal-oriented Christianity could defeat communism’s appeal.40

While anticommunist, Kagawa’s critique of capitalism was uncompromisingly radical and had many similarities to Marxism. Explaining the global Great Depression, he began his Rauschenbusch lectures: “The poverty of to-day is not the poverty of want but the poverty of plenty … Wealth is accumulated in the hands of the few and the mass of society is crushed down into a world of unemployment, unrest, dependency, and non-credit. The policy of laissez faire has led us into hell, and millions of unemployed are starving in the shadows of overflowing warehouses.”41 Capitalism, Kagawa continued, inevitably involved “a system of exploitation; the accumulation of capital in the hands of the few …; the consequent concentration of power into the hands of the ruling class; an ever-increasing and vast majority of nonproperty-owning, poor wage earners, for whom the proper term is the proletariat.”42

Such bluntness was not out of place in a lecture series honoring Rauschenbusch, who had observed almost three decades earlier: “industrial crises are not inevitable in nature; they are merely inevitable in capitalism … [t]here is certainly a great and increasing body of chronic wretchedness in our wonderful country. It is greatest where our industrial system has worked out its conclusions most completely … The power of capitalism over the machinery of our government, and its corroding influence on the morality of our public servants, has been [End Page 592] revealed within recent years to such an extent that it is almost superfluous to speak of it.”43 Thus, Kagawa was building on Rauschenbusch’s own ideas, which he had imbibed at Princeton, refined in Japan, and was now bringing back to the United States.

Moreover, Kagawa, at least until 1939, consistently spoke out against Japanese militarism. In 1931, for example, he even apologized to the Chinese for his country’s acquisition of Manchuria. Expressing himself in verse, Kagawa wrote:

Again I have become the child of an aching heart,Carrying the burden of Japan’s crime,Begging pardon of China and of the world,With a shattered soul: I have become a child of sadness.44

Thus, Kagawa himself may be seen as a critical internationalist with regard to his own nation. He asserted, in words cited by one of his more prominent American Christian supporters, that “the true patriot must sometimes condemn his country’s acts,” working through “love and suffering” to “redeem” one’s homeland.45

Kagawa was often unsparing in his criticism of the United States and of Western Christianity in the years before his 1936 visit. Like almost all Japanese, he deplored the 1924 Asian Exclusion Act, which barred Japanese immigration to the United States. The following year Kagawa declared that with the passage of this act “the United States is no longer a Christian nation,” and that “America today is only a land of liberty for the white race.”46 At a 1927 conference in Japan, [End Page 593] Kagawa, alluding to Marx’s dictum that religion is the opium of the people, included Christianity as generally practiced in his declaration that “in so far as religion has not developed an adequate criticism of and opposition to the mammonism of modern society, there is some opium in it”—a comment widely circulated in the United States as well as in Japan.47 In another well-publicized statement made some years before his 1936 visit, Kagawa said: “I divide America into heaven America and hell America,” and “mostly those who are rich belong to hell America.”48

In his 1934 Christ and Japan, translated for an American edition by missionary William Axling, Kagawa interspersed ethnographic material on Japan and arguments that Japan needed Christianity with scathing indictments of Western imperialism. For example, he declared, “it is imperative that the Western powers, which have monopolized the earth’s surface and are pursuing a policy of starving out over-populated nations, examine their souls, reflect on their self-centered conduct and repent of their ways.” Kagawa compared Japan’s actions in Manchuria to the United States’ use of the Monroe Doctrine, and attributed the “economic chaos” of the Depression in the West to “the fact that the peoples of these lands have wandered away from Christ’s way of life.” He catalogued five major reasons for the difficulty in conducting “Christian work in the Orient,” including the allegation “that Westerners who pose as Christians oppress the peoples of the East and plunder their territories through ruthless exploitation.”49 Kagawa had expressed similar criticisms of Western imperialism and racism in writings reprinted in Whither Asia? A Study of Three Leaders, edited by the American scholar of Asian religion Kenneth Saunders. These included direct comparisons of the United States, “which occupies the Philippines,” with the colonial powers of Britain and France, as well [End Page 594] as protests against American and Canadian anti-Japanese immigration policies.50

Not all of Kagawa’s statements about the United States before his 1936 visit were critical, however. In a 1930 address to American missionaries, Kagawa expressed his gratefulness for their unconditional love toward him and toward other Japanese, and pleaded for more missionaries to be sent to his homeland.51 Kagawa’s 1931 New Life through God included a paean to the Pilgrims worthy of an old-fashioned U.S. history textbook. In this book, Kagawa also drew a stark contrast in the levels of civilization between Europeans and Indians in early America, which, betraying his own biases, he then compared to the difference between Japan and the South Sea islands.52 While the contentious 1932 Laymen’s Foreign Missions Inquiry and Re-Thinking Missions lauded Kagawa as a model of how Christians should operate in Asia—noting his social reform efforts, his nondenominationalism, his work with non-Christians, and his importance as a kind of ambassador helping peoples better understand each other—Kagawa himself scored the report for downplaying the superiority of Christianity over other religions, and for seeming to denigrate the role of foreign missionaries.53 But on the whole Kagawa’s statements on the United States and [End Page 595] on Western Christianity called attention to inadequacies in how the Christian message had been implemented and called for a rededication to the religion’s original ideals. Moreover, even the Missionary Review of the World, which upheld the traditional missionary enterprise and devoted article after article to Kagawa, lauded his critique of religion as heretofore practiced. In reviewing a 1932 biography of this “Japanese St. Francis,” the Missionary Review quoted favorably this “meditation” by Kagawa: “The religion of imposing edifices is a heart-breaking affair. Well would it be if most of the world’s temples and churches were razed to the ground. Then possibly we would understand genuine religion.”54

So the organizers of Kagawa’s 1936 visit, as well as knowledgeable observers, were expecting his message to be challenging to American religion and society, not simply an affirmation of Christianity as preached and practiced in the West. The Christian Advocate, for example, after Kagawa’s visit to Nashville, cited at length his extensive list of “hindrances” missionaries face in Japan based on problems and inconsistencies in Western Christianity, including “the imposition on the Orient by the Occident of the capitalistic system which makes men slaves of money.”55 The FCC, which had been grappling during the Depression over a Christian approach to economics, first officially endorsed the formation of cooperatives, as well as collective bargaining, in an executive committee resolution in December 1932. Six months before Kagawa’s tour, the group’s Federal Council Bulletin, while noting that co-ops could not be “a complete answer to the demand for a Christian economic order,” nevertheless asserted, in an editorial significantly entitled “Kagawa’s Hope for a Christian Economic Order,” that cooperative societies embodied “a form of economic organization which is in keeping with the Christian ideal of brotherhood” and that should be welcomed “by all Christians who have become painfully aware of the ethical inadequacy of our present economic structure.”56 [End Page 596] Thus, the FCC organized conferences and speaking engagements at which Kagawa highlighted his work with cooperatives, and at which American religious leaders could learn about U.S. co-ops.

A few examples will suffice to show that Americans did see Kagawa’s visit as a means to propound an alternative economic order. Newsweek headlined its first article on his tour as “Kagawa: Japanese Here to Put Business on a Christian Basis,” while Commonweal, the independent Catholic magazine, described Kagawa’s system of co-ops as “an economic social order where love shall be the dominant motive and the principle of the Cross spontaneously practiced, … as against a cutthroat competitive basis.”57 The Indianapolis Times led off its front page story on Kagawa’s address to an FCC seminar on cooperatives: “The Christian church was called upon today to build a social system without exploitation and profiteering, by the apostle of a new economic doctrine, Dr. Toyohiko Kagawa, famed Japanese liberal.” The article described in detail Kagawa’s critique of capitalism. The Methodist Michigan Christian Advocate reported that Kagawa predicted the “inevitable decline of capitalism,” which he called a “dinosaur civilization.”58 The Christian Century editorialized that Kagawa’s visit had “greatly intensified” American interest in the Christian aspects of the cooperative movement, while also asserting that Christian supporters of co-ops must be willing to “admit frankly—or better, to claim boldly—that it is out to displace the capitalistic system and its competitive profit motivation by a system of production for use.”59 The more radical Methodist Federation for Social Service concurred and lauded Kagawa’s vision as [End Page 597] challenging the conservative wing of the co-op movement and pointing ultimately to “Christian Communism.”60

Bertram Fowler, a tireless—but overly simplistic—advocate of cooperatives, waxed poetic in a January 1936 essay, describing how Kagawa’s “gospel of economic Christianity is blazing across the heavens. Those who know of him and his teachings have accepted him as the great Christian leader of the age,” and American Protestants “turn to Kagawa” for “counsel.” Despite the hyperbole, Fowler was undoubtedly correct in noting that the “tremendous swing of the Protestant churches to this movement of economic Christianity can be partly attributed to Toyohiko Kagawa.”61 A columnist for The Churchman, who said that he had little knowledge of co-ops before attending an FCC seminar led by Kagawa, came to see that “the Cooperative Movement may be one of the great peaceful pathways toward the economic reconstruction of our society, along both more just and more Christian lines.”62 A Pennsylvania Methodist conference adopted a new set of ten “social commandments,” which included, along with commitments to oppose war and racism and to support workers’ rights, a favorable disposition toward co-ops because of agreement “with Kagawa that ‘the love of Christ must be expressed through economics.’”63 The general synod of the Reformed Church of America in June 1936 endorsed consumer cooperatives, after its Social Welfare Committee praised Kagawa as “the modern apostle who brought the cooperative system to the forefront of our thinking and study.”64

To be sure, such resolutions were not spontaneous, as the FCC’s [End Page 598] Myers wrote to numerous church bodies during the spring of 1936 soliciting statements of support for cooperatives. He suggested, too, that the resolutions name Kagawa as the inspiration for such efforts and describe co-ops as “the love principle of Christianity in economic action.”65 Such stage managing, however, does not negate Kagawa’s importance, as it shows that in order to build support for co-ops American Christians were, like Fowler, drawing on the prestige that their coreligionist enjoyed not just in Japan but in the United States.

Kagawa’s message also appealed to many secular progressives. An article in the National Urban League’s Opportunity concluded that “the lecture tour of a Japanese preacher-labor leader” was a major factor in making the issue of economic co-ops newly relevant for African Americans.66 One local official with a New Deal program in Pennsylvania who attended the Kagawa-led seminar wrote to Myers that what he learned about cooperatives would prove useful to his new project.67 Similarly, a leader of a rural electric cooperative reported, “Our people feel that his [Kagawa’s] brilliant discussion of the cooperative movement in Indianapolis will be very fruitful.”68 In Decatur, Illinois, Kagawa apparently walked away from the reception committee made up of local notables to join a picket line of striking women workers who had contacted him to ask for support.69 In Common Sense, an anti-Stalinist, independent socialist monthly, Ruth Brindze stated that Kagawa, the “revered missionary of consumer cooperation,” had “finally directed attention to the alignment of our churchmen with the cooperative movement,” a movement that she said “aims at the overthrow of the capitalistic system,” albeit indirectly. Several months later, Episcopal bishop Edward Parsons, as part of a series in that journal titled “Religion and Radicalism,” also pointed to Kagawa’s boost to the American cooperative movement as an example of the leftward movement among some in the [End Page 599] Protestant churches, although he warned that each denomination also faced a backlash against its calls for a new economic order.70

Some conservative Christians and business owners attacked Kagawa and the FCC for their advocacy of co-ops: one minister went so far as to call co-ops “more dangerous than outright Russian communism,” while another wrote that Kagawa “should get along very well with the whole gamut of parlor pinks who are now paving the way for Communism in America.” These attacks lent more than a touch of controversy to Kagawa’s visit.71 Time magazine used the tour as a springboard to examine the differing views within Christianity about the “Social Gospel” and economic systems. Some of Kagawa’s supporters welcomed the debate for the added attention it brought to his ideas and for the chance to expound on the challenge he posed to conventional Christianity.72

The Federal Council of Churches and the National Kagawa Coordinating Committee institutionalized the growing interest in co-ops among liberal Protestants that resulted from Kagawa’s tour by forming the Christian Cooperative Fellowship. Rev. Carpenter, its first chairperson, stated that the CCF would continue “to challenge the churches with the expression of the Christian ideals which Kagawa has proclaimed so forcibly.”73 Some who were active in promoting Kagawa’s [End Page 600] tour and ideals noted the increased attendance at the biennial congress of the Cooperative League of the United States in October 1936, attributing the growing interest to Kagawa’s recent visit.74 The FCC and the CCF continued to promote co-ops in succeeding years, including interfaith conferences and study tours to Canada and Europe.75

There were other factors, to be sure, that led to the dramatic growth of interest in cooperatives in the United States in 1936 and 1937, as evidenced by the publication of a dozen books on the topic in these two years.76 Indeed, social scientist Clark Kerr declared that the “new trend” of the cooperative movement to expand beyond its traditional base in farm supplies to include rural and urban consumer goods was “causing so much concern to the private merchant and giving added social significance to the cooperative program in our urban and industrialized nation.”77 Among these other factors were reports of the success of Scandinavian co-ops in protecting consumers and producers from the worst effects of the Depression—Kerr, for example, had spent a year in Europe studying cooperatives on behalf of the American Friends Service Committee—and the interest in the movement by Secretary of Agriculture Henry Wallace. Nevertheless, the fact remains that Americans drew ideas and inspiration from around the world, including Kagawa’s Japan, as they investigated the benefits of cooperatives.78 [End Page 601] Moreover, Kagawa, too, drew much of his inspiration for the development of co-ops, as well as his “peasant gospel schools,” from Denmark and Britain, which he had studied firsthand in the 1920s, demonstrating yet further the transnational nature of this reform movement. One might add that after his 1936 tour of the United States Kagawa traveled to Britain and Europe, where he continued to develop ties with cooperatives.79

By 1938, one may note, some of Kagawa’s backers expressed greater skepticism about the ability of co-ops to solve all of a nation’s economic problems, or to avert a nation’s militaristic tendencies, especially given developments between Japan and its neighbors.80 More caustically, one of the leading popularizers of cooperatives in the United States, Marquis Childs, who promoted Sweden as “the middle way” between capitalism and communism, referred to Kagawa and his backers as “the lunatic fringe” who naively “believe the world is to be remade, and very speedily, by the cooperative method.”81

Other commentators on his 1936 tour noted that Kagawa’s theology and personal example could help to revitalize a society that had strayed from Christian principles. In the Survey Graphic, a quintessential journal of American Progressivism, John Palmer Gavit wrote that Kagawa, whose work in the slums reminded “one of the Nazarene ‘about his father’s business’ among the afflicted,” had come “from Japan of all places, to remind us of Christianity.” Gavit called Kagawa “the one Oriental who is actually succeeding in making the tide of Christian thought flow back across the Pacific.”82 Carl Heath Kopf wrote in the [End Page 602] Boston Transcript that Kagawa was “a missionary (in the best sense of that grand title) from the East to Western pagans,” but he feared that many Americans would not really understand Kagawa’s message and his call to action, just as they failed to understand Christ himself.83 A Co-operative Farm Association leader, speaking alongside Kagawa at a conference of the Pennsylvania Council of Churches, declared him to be “one of the greatest missionaries of all time.”84

The Federal Council of Churches itself hoped that Kagawa’s visit, through its focus on prayer and the fellowship of all Christians, along with its “insight into the necessity for Christianizing our economic life,” would lead to “such an outpouring of the Holy Spirit [in the United States] as has not been seen in our churches for generations.”85 Myers, according to the minutes of a meeting of the National Kagawa Coordinating Committee, “brought out the fact that the one thing which America needed was that fusion of personal devotion and economic life, so that we could live as Christians, which was the very central message of Kagawa.”86 The FCC’s Benson Landis wrote: “Out of the East has come Toyohiko Kagawa, an Oriental mystic, a Christian pacifist, as a missionary to the United States,” adding to the “old story” of religion the necessity of forming cooperatives.87 The Christian Century editorialized before Kagawa’s arrival that his plan to bring the churches and the cooperatives together constituted a “charter for a new [End Page 603] era in the history of American religion.”88 One newspaper editorialized favorably on Kagawa’s efforts to get Americans to make Christianity a real faith, rather than merely a Sunday exercise, while another commented, “A living saint practicing literally the precepts of Christianity is news.”89

In reviewing one of Kagawa’s novels published in the United States during his tour, Thomas Opie in The Churchman observed that its hero’s dedication to a Christianity that became manifest through social service constituted “a lesson … to the millions of Western church people who still hold that religion is a sort of intellectual technique, a spiritual abstraction, an individual soul-rapture, having little or nothing to do with one’s daily modus vivendi!”90 The Illinois State Register welcomed Kagawa to Springfield—which routinely saw large numbers of distinguished foreign visitors paying homage to Abraham Lincoln—with these words: “You are of a different brand and we are not in a mood to welcome you by rote.” Because Kagawa recognized that “Christianity by precept was not enough,” but “supplemented principle with example,” the newspaper “recognize[d] your authority to interpret for us the mind of Christ and the heart of God.”91

Tour organizer Carpenter, near the end of Kagawa’s stay, in announcing that the evangelist would give a nationwide radio address, portrayed Kagawa both as a Christian missionary to Americans and as an ambassador from Asia to the United States, following the tack of Re-Thinking Missions in reimagining the missionary enterprise. Carpenter stated, “Like St. Paul of old, he has traveled up and down the land interpreting the love of Jesus Christ from an Oriental viewpoint,” and Kagawa has “reinterpreted the Oriental to America.”92 More pointedly, a Christian journalist saw Kagawa as a “prophet” and “saint” who could help Western Protestantism emerge from its “desolate” state, caused by war and economic depression: “Reduced to virtual despair in the effort to set up moral controls over a civilization which is the product of the [End Page 604] amoral machine, the churches, which have found themselves being relegated to a supernumerary role in the social drama, are suddenly aflame with excitement over an evangelist who has emerged out of the slums of Japan.”93 The veteran missionary Sherwood Eddy, in his introduction to an American edition of Kagawa’s poems, Songs from the Slums, a book that also appeared as Kagawa’s tour began, emphasized that Japan and the United States faced the same problems of industrial exploitation and unemployment. Eddy wrote: “If the challenge of Kobe’s slums is not peculiar to Japan, but is common to the East and the West, may it not be the means of bringing forth a new, militant solidarity among those whose privilege it is to make up the body of Christ on earth?”94 Thus, Kagawa’s impassioned response to economic degradation should resonate with the situation that American Christians faced at home during hard times, and he could offer leadership to Americans—very different from the old missionary paradigm of Western Christians enlightening the East.

Kagawa did challenge the practice of American Protestantism and American society during his speeches and sermons, as he displayed a consistent focus on service and sacrifice. According to one newspaper account, he advised the members of a “well-to-do congregation” to stop “competing with one another for prominent places in New York’s community life,” and suggested that the Depression might ultimately work some good for the nation and its churches. “Unless you learn to know tragedy,” Kagawa observed, “you can never become a great nation,” adding that a “chaotic situation” can help people “feel the power of God.”95 Kagawa rebuked American ministers with his comment that “Protestant churches have wonderful pulpits … [and] wonderful preachers, but somewhere are poor people who are not satisfied with preaching only.”96 One alternative for Kagawa to preaching was daily communal prayer, focused on themes from the Lord’s Prayer and the Sermon on the Mount, which had been a mainstay of his Kingdom [End Page 605] of God movement in Japan. One New Yorker who heard Kagawa propound this plan, at a dinner for 1,700 at the upscale Astor Hotel, complained that the clergy present “met with silence” this bold proposal to revitalize American Christianity.97

A youth worship service that concluded Kagawa’s appearance in Chicago showed how such public prayer relevant to Depression-era conditions could be organized, with hymns, poems by Kagawa, and responsive readings, also drawn from his writings. A focus on the lowly and outcast was at the very heart of these readings: “If he [who would meet God] fails to help the beggar at his door and indulges in Bible reading, there is a danger lest God, who lives among the mean, will go elsewhere. In truth he who forgets the unemployed forgets God.”98

But, it must be noted, part of Kagawa’s message was also reassuring to his American audiences. In Amarillo, Texas, even as he counterposed the “Heaven America” of Lincoln with the “Hell America” of the nation’s twelve million unemployed, Kagawa thanked the United States for its missionary endeavors, for “sending over to Japan your fine stock to save us.”99 In the last radio address of his tour Kagawa praised the American commitment to grant independence to the Philippines, calling it “one of the great achievements in American history that has happened in the Orient.”100 The Missionary Review of the World editorialized during Kagawa’s tour that his presence constituted “an unanswerable argument” for the missionary endeavor.101 Indeed, [End Page 606] one outspoken Christian critic of traditional missionary work, who was nevertheless enthusiastic about Kagawa’s visit, observed that “many ecclesiastical leaders are glad to be able to exhibit such a missionary trophy just now,” after years of questions about the missionary enterprise. This critic, Paul Hutchinson of The Christian Century, continued: “It means much to a harassed mission board executive to be able to display a figure who has acquired the prominence which Kagawa has in Japan and exclaim, ‘Who dares to withhold support from our enterprise when we can show results like this?’”102

One scholar has criticized the organizers of Kagawa’s tour for failing to use it to challenge the long-standing anti-Japanese racism in American society and immigration policy.103 And it is true that Kagawa did not press the issue while in the United States; indeed, he stated in one interview: “While I wish that the Japanese exclusion bill could be repealed, I cannot truthfully say that this measure has aroused serious resentment among my people.”104 We have already noted Kagawa’s own “serious resentment” against passage of the ban on Japanese immigration—“the United States is no longer a Christian nation,” he had declared—and Japanese official and unofficial protests against the policy pervade the diplomatic correspondence in the 1920s and 1930s.105

However, it is clear from an examination of the overall program of the Federal Council of Churches that it saw this tour as an extension of its long-standing opposition to this exclusionist immigration policy and to other U.S. policies that heightened tensions with Japan. In 1924, when the U.S. Congress was debating the bill to cut off all immigration from Japan, the FCC had lobbied strenuously against it, sending veteran missionaries to testify at congressional hearings and relaying to the American press the overwhelming sentiment in Japan that perceived the legislation as an insult. Indeed, the Federal Council Bulletin in 1924 devoted more coverage to this topic than to any [End Page 607] other public policy issue.106 Moreover, the FCC issued in July 1924, just after the bill passed, a thirty-six-page pamphlet titled Japan Wonders Why?, which gave voice to the shock and outrage over this blow felt by Japanese intellectuals, business and government officials, and religious leaders.107

The FCC continued, in the years surrounding Kagawa’s tour, to raise the issue of the international ramifications of American race relations, as well as the responsibility of both the United States and Japan for friction between the two. In March 1935 the Federal Council Bulletin published an editorial regretting the naval buildup by both the United States and Japan, and it specifically opposed the Roosevelt administration’s requests for more naval funds and its proposed maneuvers in the western Pacific. Indeed, Federal Council leaders soon after met with Roosevelt and apparently convinced him to conduct any such maneuvers so that U.S. ships would stay at least two thousand miles from Japan.108 A 1935 pamphlet on American-Japanese relations by the FCC’s Department of International Justice and Goodwill included among other recommendations a call to repeal the “Asiatic Exclusion Law” in order to “ease anti-American tensions in Japan.”109

In June 1935—six months before Kagawa’s tour—the Federal Council [End Page 608] Bulletin reprinted a statement by U.S. missionaries in Japan that, in an effort to avoid war, urged the American people and government to understand Japan’s viewpoint. Among its seven points of action, the missionaries recommended, first, that Americans “study with care the laws proposed in our legislative assemblies, or already on the statute books, that bear upon our relations with foreign countries, and more particularly to remove the aspects of our Immigration Act which offend the self-respect of Oriental peoples.” The wording may have been convoluted, but the overall point was clear. The statement also noted that the main benefit of missionary work was not in imposing Western or Christian ideas upon others, but in adding to “the rich heritage of our own citizenship … the wealth of life and friendship with another nation,” which has thus “deepened our appreciation of both peoples.” This formulation clearly drew on the ideas of Re-Thinking Missions that missionaries should be, above all, ambassadors. Indeed, in his 1936 year-end report, FCC president Ivan Lee Holt called Kagawa a “Christian ambassador” and stated that the “exchanges” of ideas represented by his visit should be extended.110

The Fellowship of Reconciliation, a small, Christian-based pacifist group with a strong socialist component, was more direct than the FCC and the Kagawa Coordinating Committee in linking Kagawa’s 1936 visit to an effort to overturn the Asiatic Exclusion Act. The West Coast sections of the FOR, under the leadership of Allan Hunter, gathered signatures on a pledge to work for repeal of the racist immigration laws. Such repeal, said Hunter, would have the added benefit of taking “some of the wind out of the Japanese militarists’ sails,” although it might still not prevent war between Japan and the United States. Hunter was not new to the issue. He had spent a year in the 1920s working with Christian peace groups in China and Japan, and in 1934 wrote Out of the Far East, which favorably portrayed Asian immigrants to the United States, and castigated discrimination and prejudice against them and their descendants. Hunter reported in 1936 that the FOR presented “several thousand” signed pledge cards to Kagawa at a meeting in Los Angeles, to “the delight” of the speaker.111 [End Page 609]

Adding to the praise of Kagawa and his U.S. tour was eighty-sixyear-old Rev. Francis Grimké, who had been born of a slave mother and a white father, and who was the nephew of prominent abolitionists Sarah and Angelina Grimké. Rev. Grimké was a longtime pastor of an African American church in Washington, D.C., and had corresponded with Kagawa in the early 1930s. Toward the end of the Japanese evangelist’s 1936 tour, Grimké issued a leaflet praising Kagawa as “the outstanding Christian in our day and generation; to me, he, more than any other man …, represents more of the spirit of the Master than any other.” Grimké continued: “And, while I am speaking of this great and good man, may I not also say that I thank God that he is not of this great white race, that thinks that it alone is the favorite of heaven, and that everything of value is to be traced to it. Here is a man of another race that, in the qualities that go to make up greatness of the highest order, is without a superior anywhere.”112

While the tour’s outreach to African Americans was not always as successful as organizers had hoped, reports came in that two thousand people attended a speech by Kagawa in Kansas City’s black community, and Washington, D.C., church leaders had arranged for the luncheon at the normally whites-only Mayflower Hotel to be open to all.113

On a more secular note, Kagawa urged Americans to learn more about Japan, and charged that some of the tensions between the two nations stemmed from American ignorance. “In Japan,” he stated, “5,000,000 read English well and know something about the United States. But in America there are almost none who read Japanese at all. Japan has made many mistakes but until America can understand us there will be dark clouds over the Pacific Ocean.”114 Indeed, Kagawa had written that he agreed to tour the United States precisely to further such understanding: “In these days of rampant militarism and nationalism [End Page 610] … we must do our utmost to lay a foundation of Christian love for the building of international cooperation.”115

The Federal Council of Churches and other liberal American Protestants also sought to capitalize during Kagawa’s tour on what they saw as his positive program to avert the threat of communism. During the mid 1930s, economic growth in the Soviet Union appeared to some to show the advantages of Marxism over capitalism, and the Communist movement, though small, was growing even in the United States. The FCC itself was sometimes accused of promoting communism: for example, Elizabeth Dilling featured it prominently in The Red Network, which foreshadowed McCarthyism, and the Intelligence Section of the Navy Department in 1935 alleged that FCC opposition to a larger navy gave “aid and comfort to the Communist movement and party.”116 In fact, the church federation called for reforms in the United States in part to forestall the appeal of communism. In arguing in 1935 against racial discrimination, for example, the Federal Council Bulletin noted that improvements in this area would reduce the ability of radicals to recruit African Americans.117 Similarly, the FCC cited approvingly a 1935 resolution from the Northern Minnesota Methodist Episcopal Church that recommended the study of cooperatives “as one of Christ’s alternatives to communism.”118 Thus, tour organizer J. Henry Carpenter referred to Kagawa—with some exaggeration, to be sure—as the man who “saved his country from Communism by developing Christian co-ops,” and as working against class violence and revolution in the United States as he had done in Japan.119 This type of anticommunism, of course, relied on cooptation rather than repression, on meeting [End Page 611] the problems of modern society through greater liberalism rather than through clinging to the status quo.

Coverage of Kagawa’s appearances often highlighted his anticommunism. A journal geared to Sunday school teachers, in a flattering portrait, observed that Kagawa’s nonviolence “won for him the opposition of the communists and the extreme radicals” in Japan. The notoriously anti–New Deal Chicago Daily Tribune stated that Kagawa was “regarded in many quarters as the possessor of ‘the Christian answer to communism.’”120 At times, as local committees sponsoring Kagawa’s visit sought to appeal to middle-class American Protestants, the denial of communism spread even further, effacing altogether the longtime socialist’s political views. On the flyer advertising Kagawa’s five meetings in Chicago, a brief biographical sketch cited Kagawa as stating, “Neither communism nor socialism will bring in the Golden Age. Their goals are too near and too clear. The Kingdom of God is ever evolving.” A similar flyer advertising Kagawa’s visit to Ohio stated that reports of Kagawa as a “pacifist and socialist … misrepresent him to the American mind.” Instead, the flyer called Kagawa “as much of an evangelist as he is social reformer,” and noted that the Japanese government helped foster Kagawa’s cooperatives, “just as our New Deal does here” with a range of cooperative enterprises.121

Kagawa and his American backers promoted a truer Christianity and real social reform as the means to defeat communism. In one speech, in which he unwittingly overstated the influence of communism in the United States, Kagawa argued that the denominational disputes among Christians led to the withering of the spirit of “Christian love,” which in turn allowed “the Communists” to become “a strong power in America.” Unless Christians took the lead in organizing cooperatives, he went on, “the Communists will win the young people … We had a terrible experience with the Communists in Japan, but we started cooperatives and their movement dwindled.”122 Kagawa here, [End Page 612] of course, downplayed the impact of the severe repression which the Japanese state inflicted on the communists in the 1920s and 1930s; as former missionary Galen Fisher wrote just a few years after Kagawa’s visit, to the adherents of Kōdō, or the Japanese Imperial Way, communism was “enemy Number 1.”123

As already noted, many of Kagawa’s American critics saw his economic philosophy as akin to communism, regardless of his disclaimers. Moreover, some American fundamentalist Christians—often the same people, to be sure—were not won over by Kagawa’s evangelistic bona fides. One California minister, Louis Richard Patmont, declared Kagawa to be “a true modernist, an apostate who has abandoned the simple faith in the Gospel as the power of God unto salvation,” and one who betrayed Christianity through his belief in Darwinism and evolution. Harking back to the very beginnings of Protestantism, Rev. Patmont added that Kagawa’s reliance on “a trapeze of good works” was simply “helping pave the way for the coming Anti-christ.”124 Texas fundamentalist J. Frank Norris, who arranged to speak in Rochester, St. Louis, and elsewhere to compete with Kagawa’s appearances, not only asserted that Kagawa’s theology and social program were contrary to the Bible, but based his attack on American Christian nationalism: “Do we need to import the Japanese to tell us how to run our business, our homes, our churches?” (Norris also claimed that the FCC was anti-Christian because it favored the right of racial intermarriage.)125

On the other hand, Jan Karel Van Baalen, a classmate of Kagawa’s at Princeton and a self-proclaimed evangelical, lamented that Kagawa’s tour had not been able to overcome the modernist-fundamentalist divide in American Christianity. Van Baalen argued that too many evangelicals assumed, incorrectly, that because “prominent modernists” promoted Kagawa’s economic message his theology could not be orthodox. Acknowledging that Kagawa did criticize American evangelical Christianity for its “lack of social feeling,” Van Baalen also [End Page 613] took aim at what historians have identified as the Christian strand in American exceptionalist ideology, exemplified by Norris: “They that proudly boast of dwelling in ‘God’s country’ have been suspected of frowning upon such visitors from other lands who were not altogether ready to admit that ‘we have the biggest and the best in the world.’”126

Aside from not winning over these strident critics, the FCC and other sponsors may not have achieved all of their goals for Kagawa’s visit. Reception by audiences often differs from the intention of speakers and writers. That Kagawa’s appearances caused a sensation in so many cities and towns is not in doubt. But there are indications that not everyone got Kagawa’s message. Time reported that many who attended Kagawa’s lectures found them to be “almost incomprehensible, delivered with a squeaky voice in a heavy Japanese accent.”127 One supporter derided the “fur-clad, pin-striped crowd” in Denver who were “disappointed” that the Asian evangelist’s talk on “What Jesus Means to Me” did not remain in the familiar realm of “personal salvation, daily devotions, mystical experiences and religious retreats,” but focused instead on work in the slums, “preaching release to the captives,” and organizing workers.128 A Seattle correspondent lamented that, with one notable exception, the city’s newspapers did not prominently cover Kagawa’s visit to the area, despite overflow crowds. The press thus failed to realize the “opportunity to feature … the idea of good will across the Pacific” which had “loomed large in the thinking of the state council of churches.”129 Paul Hutchinson, who called Kagawa a “missioner to the churches of the West,” nevertheless conceded that it was possible that the tour’s success was simply due to the American public’s tendency “to go off its head over visiting celebrities.”130 In this sense, Kagawa’s visit might be seen as a later example [End Page 614] of what historian Kristin Hoganson has identified as the Gilded Age efforts of Americans to appear cosmopolitan without really changing the U.S. role in the world.131

Indeed, Kagawa’s physical ailments and frailties, which were so widely reported before and during his visit, contributed to the phenomenon of his tour as spectacle, just as Helen Keller’s tour of Japan the following year attracted, it was said, a million listeners in thirty-three cities.132 One may speculate, too, of course, that with all the talk of Kagawa living a Christlike life of service and suffering, the tales of him having cheated death in the slums of Kobe may have reminded some of the resurrection of Jesus.

Modern observers will undoubtedly be struck by the numerous references to Kagawa by his backers as a “mystic,” or even an “Oriental mystic.” For example, Carpenter stated that Kagawa represented “the mysticism of the East,” while Lester Riley described him as “practical, mystical, theological, radical, and conservative all in one.”133 This term has long resonance in Western culture, and some commentators believe its use betrays an inability by Westerners to treat Asians as equal.134 But Carpenter emphasized that Kagawa’s “mysticism” was part of his “Christ-likeness,” while Riley stated that Kagawa’s writings, while reflecting a Japanese-inflected Christianity, were nevertheless rooted in “the very speech, indeed, of the apostles of old.” Reviewer Gavit noted that the “mystic” Kagawa had “made The Imitation of Christ by Thomas à Kempis a best-seller in Japan, and has written a book very much like it which is now translated into English.” Harold Fey, who had written that “mysticism is the secret of Kagawa’s insight and strength,” followed that with the observation that “the oriental Christ seems strangely to come alive again when he is interpreted by and through an oriental.” A Japanese writing about Kagawa similarly argued that Christianity, [End Page 615] having “deteriorated” under Western tutelage, was “finding a resurrection in the Orient from which it sprang.”135 Kenneth Saunders and William Axling, moreover, both wrote that in joining the mystical pole of Christianity with the social reform pole, Kagawa was making a strong contribution to the renovation of the religion.136 In other words, these commentators found mysticism as part of the Christian tradition, and they saw Christianity’s origin as Asian as well as Western. Thus, even on these terms, Kagawa challenged American Christians, as one minister put it, to go beyond the “boundaries” of race and class, and to embrace all humanity, including “the unemployed, the exploited, the negro, the Oriental, the harlot,” and others.137

Even if many Americans perceived Kagawa’s visit as a curiosity, or as too great a religious challenge to the Protestant churches, it was still a great success as a tour. So why was it so quickly forgotten, such as to leave so few traces in the historical literature? Why must we conclude that in the long run the tour failed in its twin goals of bettering relations between the two nations and showing that Americans had much to learn about Christianity and economic reconstruction from this Japanese evangelist?

The key factor, of course, was that the continued rise of Japanese militarism, leading to open and very brutal aggression in China by mid 1937, undercut the image of Kagawa as leading Japan toward a cooperative economic system and peace. Kagawa’s assertions during his tour that “99 percent of Japanese intellectuals” opposed war, and that he had “no reason whatever to think of any coming difficulty” between the United States and Japan, soon rang hollow. Thus, prominent pacifist minister John Haynes Holmes was sadly inaccurate when he asserted during the 1936 tour that Kagawa’s “presence and influence give guaranty that the future in Asia holds something more and better than conquest and war and death.”138 Indeed, even during Kagawa’s visit, one of his main backers, The Christian Century, was warning about Japanese designs on China and about the repression of independent [End Page 616] voices, including Christians, within Japan.139 Another church publication that welcomed the visit of “the great world leader of Christianity” warned nevertheless in January 1936 that Japanese “supernationalism” was a great threat to world peace, and that American Christians were perhaps pinning too much hope on “Kagawa’s experiments in consumer cooperatives” in the face of larger, more dangerous, forces.140 Indeed, the Japanese government prevented an American Baptist missionary, who saw himself as among the “social work Christians of the type of Dr. Toyohiko Kagawa,” from reentering the country in mid 1936 after a furlough.141 By late 1937 and 1938 American church leaders and activists were sending money to Kagawa simply to enable him to continue his work at home, because his formerly substantial income from his writings had been largely cut off due to the war conditions.142

Kagawa wrote in late 1937 that his nation’s policies in China moved him “To Tears”:

Like Christ who bore our sins upon the CrossI, too must bear my country’s sins and dross.Land of my Love! Thy sins are grievous to be borne,My head hangs low upon my form forlorn.143

But there was debate abroad about whether Kagawa equivocated in facing Japanese militarism. His longtime associate, Helen Topping, argued in 1938 that Kagawa was alone among prominent Japanese Christians in refusing to endorse the war with China. In a 1938 meeting in India, however, Mohandas Gandhi suggested in vain to Kagawa that he should prepare to suffer imprisonment or death to protest aggression [End Page 617] in China, in order to “live up to the extreme logical consequences of his creed.”144 In other words, there were limits to Kagawa’s “critical internationalism” with regard to Japan. A perceptive account by Union Theological Seminary’s Henry Van Dusen in late 1939, after a tour of Japan, China, and Korea, assailed the “pitiable self-deception” and “uncritical credence” of Japanese Christian leaders toward their government, and he predicted a “bitter future” for Japan.145 Briefly imprisoned in Japan in 1940, Kagawa returned to the United States in the spring of 1941 with a delegation of Christians trying to avert the looming clash between the two nations, and he met with some of those who had helped organize his 1936 tour.146

Regardless of whether Kagawa maintained principled independence from the Japanese government, the growing conflicts between the United States and Japan, and then the attack on Pearl Harbor and the Pacific War itself, meant that most Americans would no longer turn to a Japanese leader for wisdom, social or spiritual.147 American Protestant efforts to minimize hatred between the United States and Japan during the war, sincere though they were, could not be very successful.148 At war’s end, Kagawa came under attack by some U.S. occupation officials for collaborating with the Japanese government, as well as by some liberal theologians for working with conservative missionary groups.149 [End Page 618]

A few instances of the legacy of Kagawa’s tour, and of his influence on American Protestants, did survive into the war years. A minister in Pennsylvania in 1942 reminded his congregants of Kagawa’s 1925 warning that American anti-Japanese attitudes would lead to hatred and war, lamenting that this prophecy had come to pass.150 John Haynes Holmes in New York City and Walter Mitchell in Arizona expressed similar sentiments, with Holmes adding that “the nationalist imperialism we have pursued abroad” helped lead to war, and Mitchell arguing that Christians in the United States must work for an end to discrimination against Japanese Americans.151 Indeed, many of the ministers and missionaries who had helped organize Kagawa’s 1936 tour, such as Allan and Stanley Hunter, Galen Fisher, Charles Iglehart, and J. Henry Carpenter, as well as the FCC itself, worked during World War II to oppose the incarceration of Japanese Americans or to alleviate the dire conditions they faced in the concentration camps.152 Carpenter continued to promote cooperatives, including the wartime co-ops in China that helped provide the economic basis for resistance against Japan. In a 1944 book he reiterated Kagawa’s theme that capitalism had outlived its usefulness and that a society could not be Christian “where self-interest and personal profit are the dynamic of industrial life.”153

Carpenter and others who had organized the 1936 tour worked also on a six-month tour of the United States in 1950 by Kagawa. But this latter tour focused mainly on how Americans could help evangelical work in Japan, through the provision of missionaries and money for churches, rather than challenging American self-conceptions. Indeed, while Kagawa’s anticommunist message in 1950 in some ways reprised [End Page 619] his 1936 message, on the later tour he endorsed—oddly for a pacifist—U.S. military intervention in Korea, and he framed his message around an American-Japanese Cold War alliance.154

Nevertheless, Kagawa’s 1936 tour, and the respect that his activities in Japan garnered among American Protestants, illuminates an underappreciated aspect of the international influences that permeated the United States during the supposedly isolationist Depression decade. Kagawa’s visit also broadens our understanding of the range of economic alternatives under consideration in that decade, as it shows the emphasis that many in the United States as well as in Japan placed on voluntary, nonstate economic cooperatives. It shows that, along with the strongly racist attitudes that too many Americans held against the Japanese and Japanese Americans, which would culminate in the 1940s in the incarceration of the latter group and a bitter race war in the Pacific, there existed a tradition among some Americans of friendship toward Japan and of a critique of American discrimination and prejudice. It reminds us of the persistence of the Social Gospel in mainline Protestantism during the Great Depression, and of the reinforcement that a foreign Christian, in this case from Japan, could provide for that tradition. It shows, moreover, that Protestant missionary endeavors at times developed an anti-imperialist—not a cultural imperialist—aspect, and that they facilitated two-way contact among peoples, not merely the transmission of American values to others.

Of course, Kagawa’s visit does not constitute what we would today call a true multiculturalism, as he was highly critical of Asian religions such as Buddhism, and he believed that only Christianity offered a path to social truth and to individual and social salvation.155 But Kagawa’s creative, practical, and militantly social Christianity, which arose from his experiences in industrializing Japan, showed that Christianity could no longer be defined as only the product of Europeans and Americans.

Edwin Markham was an American poet best known for his elegiac ode to a downtrodden European worker, “The Man with the Hoe” [End Page 620] (1899), based on Jean-François Millet’s 1863 painting. During the Great Depression, as Kagawa prayed in verse for the people and soul of the United States, Markham, by then an octogenarian, composed a welcome in verse for the Japanese evangelist, which began:

I hail you, Kagawa, son of the One on highGreat social dreamer, rebel against wrong.Whenever I see your name I rise to song:You are the leader sent from the watching sky.156

As Markham had earlier looked for inspiration to a French painter, he was now, like some other Americans, looking to a Japanese reformer for hope during difficult times. The “Atlantic world,” based on interactions between Europe and the United States, had given way, for a moment, to a more global world, based on positive interaction between the United States and Asia. Kagawa’s visit may not have accomplished what his American supporters had hoped in terms of economic reconstruction, spiritual revival, or reconciliation between the two nations, but the transnational and “critical internationalist” connections that underlay the visit and that it helped to develop mark its importance in world history. [End Page 621]

Robert Shaffer
Shippensburg University of Pennsylvania

Footnotes

* This article is dedicated to the memory of Jerry Bentley, longtime editor of the Journal of World History, who encouraged me some years ago to pursue my research on Kagawa and American Christians.

1. Toyohiko Kagawa, “Journeying on My Knees,” Japan Christian Quarterly 12 (Spring 1937): 112.

2. Japanese surnames are given first, and I follow that convention. When English-language sources give his surname last, I follow their usage.

3. Yusuke Tsurumi, “Toyohiko Kagawa,” Japan Christian Quarterly 10 (April 1935): 111–117, at p. 111.

4. “Bringing Christianity to ‘Hell America,’” Literary Digest 120 (14 December 1935): 17; “Kagawa Pleads for More ‘Fire’ in Christianity,” New York Herald-Tribune, 28 January 1936, p. 15; “Eliminate Profit Motives, Kagawa Tells Churchmen,” Indianapolis Times, 30 December 1935, p. 1; “Kagawa’s Doctor,” Time, 6 January 1936. Time later used this appellation for Kagawa more sardonically: “No. 1 Christian,” 3 June 1946.

5. Andrew Rice, “Mission from Africa,” New York Times Magazine, 12 April 2009; Irving Louis Horowitz, Science, Sin, and Scholarship: The Politics of Reverend Moon and the Unification Church (Cambridge, Mass.: MIT Press, 1979); John Gorenfeld, Bad Moon Rising: How the Reverend Moon Created the Washington Times, Seduced the Religious Right, and Built an American Kingdom (Sausalito, Calif.: PoliPointPress, 2008).

6. See, for example, José Miranda, Communism in the Bible, Robert Barr, trans. (Maryknoll, N.Y.: Orbis, 1982); Leonardo Boff and Clodovis Boff, Introducing Liberation Theology, Paul Burns, trans. (Maryknoll, N.Y.: Orbis, 1987); Phillip Berryman, Liberation Theology (Philadelphia: Temple University Press, 1987). Modern liberation theologians are more willing to work with Marxist movements than was Kagawa, however.

7. “Roosevelt Plea Lets Japanese Pacifist Enter,” New York Herald-Tribune, 21 December 1935, p. 7; “Quarantined Christian,” Time, 30 December 1935. See also Rev. James Myers to D. W. MacCormack, 20 December 1935, MacCormack to Myers, 21 December 1935, and M. H. McIntyre to Rev. Samuel McCrea Cavert, 27 December 1935, all in box 52, folder 1, Federal Council of the Churches of Christ Papers, Record Group 18, National Council of Churches Papers, Presbyterian Historical Society, Philadelphia (hereafter FCC Papers).

8. John Dower, War without Mercy: Race and Power in the Pacific War (New York: Pantheon, 1986); Walter LaFeber, The Clash: U.S.-Japanese Relations throughout History (New York: W. W. Norton, 1997), esp. chaps. 6 and 7.

9. David Scott, “Diplomats and Poets: ‘Power and Perceptions’ in American Encounters with Japan,” Journal of World History 17, no. 3 (2006): 297–337; Jon Thares Davidann, Cultural Diplomacy in U.S.-Japanese Relations, 1919–1941 (New York: Palgrave Macmillan, 2007), esp. chap. 1. See also John Gripentrog, “The Transnational Pastime: Baseball and American Perceptions of Japan in the 1930s,” Diplomatic History 34 (April 2010): 247–273.

10. David Thalen et al., “Toward the Internationalization of American History: A Round Table,” Journal of American History 79 (September 1992): 432–542; Rethinking American History in a Global Age, ed. Thomas Bender (Berkeley: University of California Press, 2002); Daniel Rodgers, Atlantic Crossings: Social Politics in a Progressive Age (Cambridge, Mass.: Belknap Press 1998); Thomas Bender, A Nation among Nations: America’s Place in World History (New York, 2006). The “internationalization of U.S. history” has its analogue for many readers of this journal in the effort to “situate the U.S. in world history.”

11. Rodgers, Atlantic Crossings, discusses in detail the cooperative movement during the 1920s and 1930s, but focuses on interaction between the United States and Scandinavia in promoting these institutions; he does not discuss Japan.

12. Dana Robert, “From Missions to Mission to beyond Missions: The Historiography of American Protestant Foreign Missions since World War II,” in New Directions in American Religious History, Harry Stout and D. G. Hart, eds. (New York, 1997), pp. 362–393, quotation at p. 363. For examples of such analyses from the late 1960s and early 1970s, see Marilyn Young, The Rhetoric of Empire: American China Policy, 1895–1901 (Cambridge, Mass.: Harvard University Press, 1968), chap. 4; and Stuart Creighton Miller, “Ends and Means: Missionary Justification of Force in Nineteenth Century China,” in The Missionary Enterprise in China and America, ed. John King Fairbank, pp. 249–282 (Cambridge, Mass.: Harvard University Press, 1974). For more recent examples, see Paul Harris, “Cultural Imperialism and American Protestant Missionaries: Collaboration and Dependency in Mid-Nineteenth Century China,” Pacific Historical Review 60 (August 1991): 309–338; Jon Thares Davidann, A World of Crisis and Progress: The American YMCA in Japan, 1890–1930 (Bethlehem, Penn.: Lehigh University Press, 1998); Robert, “From Missions to Mission to beyond Missions,” p. 379.

13. Robert, “From Missions to Mission to beyond Missions,” 365. For an example of this approach, see Manako Ogawa, “‘Hull-House’ in Downtown Tokyo: The Transplantation of a Settlement House from the United States into Japan and the North American Missionary Women, 1919–1945,” Journal of World History 15, no. 3 (2004): 359–387.

14. Daniel Bays and Grant Wacker, “Introduction: The Many Faces of the Missionary Enterprise at Home,” in The Foreign Missionary Enterprise at Home: Explorations in North American Cultural History, ed. Daniel Bays and Grant Wacker (Tuscaloosa, Ala.: University of Alabama Press, 2003), pp. 1–9. See also David Hollinger, “Historians and Asia: The Missionary Matrix of a Historiographical Revolution,” paper presented at American Historical Association, New York City, January 2009, copy in author’s possession. For examples from the British experience of a post-revisionist view of missionaries, in which carrying Christianity beyond Europe is not seen as imperialist, see Andrew Porter, Religion versus Empire? British Protestant Missionaries and Overseas Expansion, 1700–1914 (Manchester: Manchester University Press, 2004); and Thomas Anderson, “Spreading the Scientific Word: Missionaries as Global Naturalists on 19th Century Madagascar,” World History Bulletin 24 (Fall 2008): 25–30.

15. David King, “The West Looks East: The Influence of Toyohiko Kagawa on American Mainline Protestantism,” Church History 80 (June 2011): 302–320, appeared as this essay was being completed. There is one full-length scholarly biography of Kagawa in English: Robert Schildgen, Toyohiko Kagawa: Apostle of Love and Social Justice (Berkeley, Calif.: Centenary Books, 1988), which includes a chapter on the 1936 tour; see also Schildgen, “How Race Mattered: Kagawa Toyohiko in the United States,” Journal of American-East Asian Relations 5 (Fall–Winter 1996): 227–253. Kagawa’s work, though not his 1936 tour, is mentioned in some secondary literature on Christian missionary work: Kenneth Scott Latourette, Christianity in a Revolutionary Age, vol. V: The Twentieth Century Outside Europe (New York: Harper, 1962), pp. 427–428, 435–437 (Latourette calls Kagawa “one of the most remarkable Christians whom Japan had seen”); and Stephen Neill, A History of Christian Missions, rev. ed. (London: Penguin, 1986). Kagawa figures prominently in histories of Japanese Christianity by American missionaries who had served in Japan: Charles Iglehart, A Century of Protestant Christianity in Japan (Rutland, Vt.: Charles E. Tuttle, 1959); and Richard Henry Drummond, A History of Christianity in Japan (Grand Rapids, Mich.: William B. Eerdmans, 1971). For an overview that emphasizes American support for Kagawa’s work in the 1920s, see Mark Mullins, “Christianity as a Transnational Social Movement: Kagawa Toyohiko and the Friends of Jesus,” Japanese Religions 32 (2007): 69–87. For a critical account portraying Kagawa as a nationalist and opportunist, see Yuzo Ota, “Kagawa Toyohiko: A Pacifist?” in Pacifism in Japan: The Christian and Socialist Tradition, ed. Nobuya Bamba and John Howes (Vancouver: University of British Columbia Press, 1978), pp. 169–197. George Bikle Jr.’s The New Jerusalem: Aspects of Utopianism in the Thought of Kagawa Toyohiko (Tucson: University of Arizona Press, 1976) is an intellectual study. For scholarly works that include discussion of Kagawa’s labor activism, see George Oakley Totten III, The Social Democratic Movement in Prewar Japan (New Haven, Conn.: Yale University Press, 1966), pp. 37, 54–55, 60–61, and passim; and Stephen Large, Organized Workers and Socialist Politics in Interwar Japan (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 1981), pp. 22–26, 102–105, and passim. Neither Dower, War without Mercy, nor LaFeber, The Clash, mention Kagawa.

16. Robert Shaffer, “Pearl S. Buck and the American Internationalist Tradition,” PhD diss., Rutgers University, 2003; Shaffer, “Pearl S. Buck and the East and West Association: The Trajectory and Fate of ‘Critical Internationalism,’ 1940–1950,” Peace and Change 28 (January 2003): 1–36; Shaffer, “‘Partly Disguised Imperialism’: American Critical Internationalists and Philippine Independence,” Journal of American-East Asian Relations 19 (September 2012): 235–262.

17. David Hollinger, “After Cloven Tongues of Fire: Ecumenical Protestantism and the Modern American Encounter with Diversity,” Journal of American History 98 (June 2011): 21–48. While most surveys of U.S. religious history during the 1930s do not discuss Kagawa’s tour, its consideration of this event sustains some of the main themes in the historiography of Protestantism in this decade: a decline in confidence about the leading role of Protestantism, the acceleration of the division between mainline Protestantism and conservative Christian movements, the continued appeal of the Social Gospel movement to many Protestants, and the growing sensitivity to racial issues, including the embrace by some Protestant leaders of racial equality. See Sydney Ahlstrom, A Religious History of the American People, 2nd ed. (New Haven, Conn.: Yale University Press, 2004), pp. 864–867; Robert Handy, “The American Religious Depression, 1925–1935,” Church History 29 (March 1960): 3–16; Joel Carpenter, “Fundamentalist Institutions and the Rise of Evangelical Protestantism, 1924–1942,” Church History 49 (March 1980): 62–75; Jon Butler, Grant Wacker, and Randall Balmer, Religion in American Life: A Short History (New York: Oxford University Press, 2003), 359–366; and Robert Moats Miller, American Protestantism and Social Issues, 1919–1939 (Chapel Hill: University of North Carolina Press, 1958).

18. Iglehart, A Century of Protestant Christianity in Japan; Galen Fisher, Creative Forces in Japan (New York: Missionary Education Movement of the United States and Canada, 1923), esp. chap. 4; Toyohiko Kagawa, Brotherhood Economics (New York: Harper and Brothers, 1936), pp. 6–7, 14–15. An American Protestant missionary group gave a figure of 254,000 Japanese Christians in 1933, one-third of them Catholic; see Laymen’s Foreign Missions Inquiry: Fact-Finders’ Reports, vol. 6: Japan, ed. Orville Petty (New York: Harper, 1933), p. 39.

19. William Hocking and the Commission of Appraisal, Re-Thinking Missions: A Laymen’s Inquiry after One Hundred Years (New York: Harper and Brothers, 1932); Fred Yoder, “Rural Missions in Relation to Their Economic and Sociological Background,” in Laymen’s Foreign Missions Inquiry, vol. 6, pp. 49–100, at p. 100; “Can Christian Missions Be Saved?” (editorial), Christian Century 47 (12 March 1930): 326–328. See also, for example, William Hutchison, Errand to the World: American Protestant Thought and Foreign Missions (Chicago: University of Chicago Press, 1987), esp. pp. 147, 162, 208; Lian Xi, The Conversion of Missionaries: Liberalism in American Protestant Missions in China, 1907–1932 (University Park: Pennsylvania State University Press, 1997); Grant Wacker, “The Waning Missionary Impulse: The Case of Pearl S. Buck,” in The Foreign Missionary Enterprise at Home, pp. 191–205; Rick Nutt, “G. Sherwood Eddy and the Attitudes of Protestants in the United States toward Global Mission,” Church History 66 (September 1997): 502–521. On the disillusionment in the non-Western world with European civilization as a result of World War I, and the attraction of Asian philosophy to some Westerners after that war, see Michael Adas, Machines as the Measure of Men: Science, Technology, and Ideologies of Western Dominance (Ithaca, N.Y.: Cornell University Press, 1989), chap. 6; and Adas, “Contested Hegemony: The Great War and the Afro-Asian Assault on the Civilizing Mission Ideology,” Journal of World History 15, no. 1 (2004): 31–63.

20. Ann Waswo, “The Transformation of Rural Society, 1900–1950,” pp. 541–605, and Takafusa Nakamura, “Depression, Recovery, and War, 1920–1945,” pp. 451–493, both in The Cambridge History of Japan, vol. 6: The Twentieth Century, Peter Duus, ed. (New York: Cambridge University Press, 1988), esp. pp. 596–597 and 464. For a contemporary evaluation by a returned U.S. missionary of the impact of the Depression on rural Japan, see Galen Fisher, “The Landlord-Peasant Struggle in Japan,” Far Eastern Survey 6 (1 September 1937): 201–206.

21. See, for example, “Tour’s End,” Time, 6 July 1936; Charles Brodhead, “Kagawa Foresees New Depression,” Christian Century 53 (4 March 1936): 373–374; E. Tallmadge Root, “Kagawa Captures New England,” Christian Century 53 (13 May 1936): 714–715; John Clarence Petrie, “Youth Meetings Thrill South,” Christian Century 53 (22 January 1936): 149–150; Ben Morris Redpath, “Crowds Listen to Kagawa,” Christian Century 53 (26 February 1936): 337; “Kagawa at Louisville,” Canadian Baptist, 2 April 1936, clipping in box 2, folder 11, Kagawa Papers, Burke Library, Union Theological Seminary, New York [hereafter Kagawa Papers]; program, “Regional Kagawa Seminar, June 10–11, 1936, Seattle,” box 1, folder 14, Anne Fisher Papers, Allen Library, University of Washington, Seattle; “Dr. Kagawa Finds Nation in Tragedy,” New York Times, 27 January 1936, p. 2; Emerson Bradshaw, “Toyohiko Kagawa,” Church Federation Bulletin (Chicago), April 1936, p. 1, box 52, folder 1, FCC Papers. Of course, some attendance figures are likely exaggerated, as the correspondents were often involved in arranging Kagawa’s visit. The most complete itinerary appears in Kagawa in Lincoln’s Land, ed. Emerson Bradshaw, Charles Shike, and Helen Topping (Brooklyn: N.Y.: National Kagawa Co-ordinating Committee, 1936), p. 16; see also “Kagawa Here on Lecture Tour,” Publishers’ Weekly 128 (28 December 1935): 2319–2320, and “Kagawa’s Schedule,” Fellowship 2 (January 1936): 14.

22. “Kagawa Pleads for More ‘Fire’ in Christianity”; Charles Ransford, “Kagawa in Nashville,” Christian Advocate 97 (24 January 1936): 117.

23. Kagawa, Brotherhood Economics; T. T. Brumbaugh, “Missionary Journeys of Kagawa,” Japan Christian Quarterly 12 (January 1937): 3–5. Walter Rauschenbusch’s best-known work is Christianity and the Social Crisis (New York: Macmillan, 1908). Reinhold Niebuhr had been the Rauschenbusch lecturer in 1935.

24. “Kagawa in Eastern Ohio,” flyer, box 52, folder 24, and “Dr. Kagawa, Japanese Christian Leader, Discusses Christian Brotherhood Sunday,” Wheeling Intelligencer, clipping, n.d. [1936], box 52, folder 1, both in FCC Papers.

25. For Rev. Myers’s pro-labor writings, see “Who’s Trespassing? Some Observations on Property Rights in Plants and Jobs,” typescript; “The Christian Attitude Toward Labor: A Meditation for the Middle Class,” reprint from Christian Advocate, October 1937; and other materials in box 52, folder 20, FCC Papers. For an attack on Myers as “a radical of the worst sort” from the Textile Bulletin, and for statements of support for his work from Norman Thomas, Clarence Pickett, Walter White, and Eleanor Roosevelt, see box 51, folder 20, FCC Papers. On Myers’s long-standing involvement in the cooperative movement and his intensive organizing for Kagawa’s tour, see esp. box 50, folder 10, and box 51, folders 16–19, FCC Papers; see also Helen Sorenson, The Consumer Movement: What It Is and What It Means (New York: Harper and Brothers, 1941), 105–106.

26. “Throng Hears Dr. Kagawa Speak,” Peoria Transcript, 7 February 1936, p. 1, clipping, box 52, folder 24, FCC Papers. See also, for example, program, “The Colorado Convocation of Pastors and Christian Workers, May 21–22, 1936,” box 2, folder 12, Kagawa Papers; “Youth Parley to Open Here Today,” Harrisburg Patriot, 24 April 1936, p. 11; “Churchmen End Annual Sessions,” Harrisburg Patriot, 29 April 1936, p. 21.

27. “General Missionary Council” and “Kagawa in Nashville,” Christian Advocate 97 (24 January 1936): 100–101 and 117, respectively; “The Faith of Kagawa and Facts about Him,” Christian Advocate 97 (31 January 1936): 133–134; “Studying Cooperatives” and “Kagawa’s Mission to America,” Christian Advocate 97 (7 February 1936): 163 and 186, respectively.

28. See, for example, Christian Century 52 (27 November 1935): 1533, for an advertisement from Willett, Clark, and Co. for Helen Topping, Introducing Kagawa, and the four issues of the Christian Century in December 1935, each of which included at least two advertisements for books by or about Kagawa; Christian Advocate 97 (24 January 1936): 98, for an advertisement from the Methodist Publishing House for eight books and pamphlets by or about Kagawa; the March and April 1936 issues of Federal Council Bulletin, each of which had three advertisements for books by or about Kagawa; John Palmer Gavit, “Torchbearers amid the Muck,” Survey Graphic 25 (February 1936): 111–112, 120–121, which discussed Kagawa’s Meditations on the Cross and Songs from the Slums, both of which could be ordered through that journal; “Kagawa of Japan,” [review of Margaret Bauman, Kagawa: An Apostle of Japan], New York Times Book Review, 12 April 1936, p. 10; and W. H. Davies, “Touring America with Kagawa,” Publishers’ Weekly 130 (26 September 1936): 1322–1325. See also the memorandum from the Presbyterian Sales Agency, 15 January 1936, box 52, folder 1, FCC Papers.

29. “Rabbi Cheers, Pastor Flays Kagawa Visit,” clipping, not identified, no date [Rochester, N.Y., 1936], in box 2, folder 11, Kagawa Papers. The reverend who “flayed” Kagawa was Rev. Frank Wasser, a Baptist, who identified Kagawa as a Communist. For other examples of pro-Kagawa sermons preached during his visit, see “End of War and Race Prejudice Predicted by Minister Son of Confederate Soldier,” New York Times 3 February 1936, p. 13; “Church Programs in the City Today,” New York Times, 26 January 1936, p. N10; “Dr. Clements Lauds Kagawa Teachings,” Boston Globe, 4 May 1936, clipping, box 2, folder 11, Kagawa Papers; Dr. Bimmons, “How Beautiful upon the Mountains,” typescript of sermon, n.d., box 2, folder 19, Kagawa Papers; Rev. David Rhys Williams, “Kagawa Visits America,” handwritten sermon, n.d. [1936], box 52, David Rhys Williams Papers, Department of Special Collections, River Campus Libraries, University of Rochester, Rochester, N.Y.; “Kagawa Is Barred from Discussing Cooperatives—Clergymen Denounce Move,” National Council of Jews and Christians News Service, n.d. [April 1936], box 52, folder 1, FCC Papers.

30. Upton Close, “The Opposition in Japan,” Nation, 17 February 1932, p. 189; E. Eales, “Toyohiko Kagawa,” Contemporary Review (London) 138 (September 1930): 359–362. For the number of co-op members, see Galen Fisher, “Kagawa and Co-operative Societies as an Economic Panacea,” International Review of Missions 27 (October 1938): 627–640. Close was the author of the anti-racist The Revolt of Asia: The End of the White Man’s Dominance (New York, 1927); he later became a leading isolationist and anti-Semite. This paragraph also draws on Schildgen, Toyohiko Kagawa: Kenneth Saunders, “Introduction,” in Kagawa, New Life through God, trans. Elizabeth Kilburn (New York: Fleming H. Revell Co., 1931); Robert Speer, “Biographical Sketch,” in Kagawa, The Religion of Jesus, trans. Helen Topping (Philadelphia: John C. Winston Co., 1931); William Axling, Kagawa (New York: Harper and Brothers, 1932). For other contemporary accounts of Kagawa’s role in Japanese labor and political struggles of the 1920s and early 1930s, see, for example, Arthur Morgan Young, The Socialist and Labour Movement in Japan (Washington, D.C.: University Publications of America, 1979 [Kobe, 1921]), pp. 121, 130–135; Gardner Harding, “Powerful Spiritual Leaders Wake Japan from Materialism,” New York Times, 22 July 1923, p. XX9; Harding, “Christian Socialist Stirs All Japan,” New York Times, 22 February 1925, p. XX6; Helen Topping, “An Apostle to the Slums of Japan: The Work of Toyohiko Kagawa, Japanese Social Leader,” Missionary Review of the World 49 (February 1926): 126; “Toyohiko Kagawa,” Missionary Review of the World 51 (September 1928): 747–749; and Close, “A New Social Order in Japan the Goal of Powerful Groups,” New York Times, 5 June 1932, p. XX8. Sherwood Eddy, one of the original leaders of the Student Volunteer Movement, a major missionary organization, included a section on Kagawa, “the Gandhi of Japan,” in The Challenge of the East: Asia in Revolution (New York: Farrar and Rinehart, 1931), pp. 134–141, quotation at p. 135.

31. Axling, Kagawa, 45–46.

32. See, for example, Hocking, Re-Thinking Missions, p. 94, and Laymen’s Foreign Missions Inquiry, vol. 6: Japan, esp. pp. 94, 165.

33. Kagawa, “Following in His Steps,” Friends of Jesus 4 (January 1931): 6, cited in Mullins, “Christianity as a Transnational Social Movement,” 77; cf. Rauschenbusch, Christianity and the Social Crisis, pp. 80–82.

34. Winfred Garrison, “The Eternal Gethsemane” (review of Kagawa’s Meditations on the Cross), Christian Century 52 (25 December 1935): 1657–1658, emphasis in original. See also Kagawa, New Life through God, p. 94 and passim; and Axling, Kagawa, p. 70.

35. Kagawa, Brotherhood Economics, pp. 32–35.

36. Fisher’s statement in The Christian Herald was cited in “A Lesson in Christian Living,” Literary Digest 102 (21 September 1929): 31–32.

37. Carpenter, “A Little Man from Japan Challenges America,” typescript, n.d. [1936], box 2, folder 19, Kagawa Papers. See also “Kagawa’s Hope for a Christian Economic Order” (editorial), Federal Council Bulletin 18 (June 1935): 4, “Kagawa: Interpreter of the Whole Gospel” (editorial), Federal Council Bulletin 19 (March 1936): 5; and Kenneth Saunders, Whither Asia? A Study of Three Leaders (New York: Macmillan, 1933), esp. pp. 165, 177–178. For a sampling of the literature on the modernist/fundamentalist split, see D. G. Hart, Defending the Faith: J. Gresham Machen and the Crisis of Conservative Protestantism in Modern America (Baltimore: Johns Hopkins University Press, 1994), and Robert Moats Miller, Harry Emerson Fosdick: Preacher, Pastor, Prophet (New York: Oxford University Press, 1985).

38. Saunders, “Introduction,” in Kagawa, New Life through God, p. 11.

39. “Kagawa’s Hope for a Christian Economic Order”; “Drowsy Religion,” Literary Digest 101 (1 June 1929): 31; Harry Emerson Fosdick, The Living of These Days: An Autobiography (New York: Harper and Brothers, 1956), pp. 210–211. For one example of Kagawa’s explanation of the contrast between Marxism and Christianity, see his “The Society Sought by Christ,” Christian Century 48 (21 October 1931): 1312–1313.

40. Kagawa, Christ and Japan, p. 121; Kagawa, Brotherhood Economics, pp. 5–6.

41. Kagawa, Brotherhood Economics, p. 3, italics in original.

42. Kagawa, Brotherhood Economics, p. 19.

43. Rauschenbusch, Christianity and the Social Crisis, pp. 238, 246, 254.

44. Toyohiko Kagawa, “Poems on the Far Eastern Crisis,” The World Tomorrow 15 (April 1932): 112, all of which were published in Japan. See also “Memorandum of Conversation between Secretary Stimson and Mr. Charles Crane,” 15 October 1931, Department of State Records, microfilm M-0976, roll 2, Record Group 59, National Archives and Records Administration, College Park, Md., in which missionary Crane told Stimson that Kagawa was “broken-hearted” about Japan’s actions. T. T. Brumbaugh characterized Kagawa’s reaction as more circumspect, in “Fascism Gains Among Japanese: Kagawa Still Carries On,” Christian Century 49 (15 June 1932): 779–780. Some American church organizations that would later help organize Kagawa’s 1936 tour, such as the Southern Methodists and the Brooklyn Federation of Churches, called for a boycott of Japanese goods in the wake of the Manchurian Incident; see George McReynolds, “American Opinion on Japan,” Asia 37 (November 1937): 814–818.

45. Allan Hunter, Kagawa—Gambler for God, n.p., n.d., 9, in Pamphlet Collection, Presbyterian Historical Society, Philadelphia.

46. “Calls America No Longer Christian,” Christian Century 42 (30 April 1925): 581. For a milder critique, see Kagawa’s comments in William Axling, Japan Wonders Why? (New York: Commission on International Justice and Goodwill of the Federal Council of the Churches of Christ in America, 1924), p. 28.

47. “Drowsy Religion,” Literary Digest 101 (1 June 1929): 31, which included a photograph of Kagawa and this eye-catching caption: “‘Shame on You,’ says Toyohiko Kagawa, who is known as the ‘Wesley of Japan,’ ‘for building huge and costly church buildings while forgetting to follow the Man born in a manger.’” Cf. Axling, Kagawa, pp. 93–95.

48. Ina Brown, “Kagawa Diagnoses American Religion,” Christian Century 47 (24 September 1930): 1147–1148.

49. Kagawa, Christ and Japan, pp. 19, 111, 128–129. For a U.S. diplomat’s interpretation of Japan’s overwhelming concern in this period with its burgeoning population, see Nelson Trusler Johnson to Secretary of State, 1 May 1935, Foreign Relations of the United States 1935, vol. III (Washington, D.C.: U.S. Government Printing Office, 1953), pp. 134–136. While I interpret American Protestants’ acceptance of Kagawa’s comparison of Japanese expansion to the Monroe Doctrine as an example of the critical internationalism of the former, it may also be seen as exemplifying Kagawa’s Japanese nationalism; see Yuzo Ota, “Kagawa Toyohiko: A Pacifist?”

50. Saunders, Whither Asia?, esp. pp. 185–186. Saunders wrote eight books on Buddhism between 1915 and 1930. Whither Asia? compared Mohandas Gandhi, Hu Shih, and Kagawa; the pro-Christian Saunders clearly preferred Kagawa. Kagawa offered additional criticism of conditions in the U.S.-run Philippines after an evangelizing tour there; see “Sees Philippine Trouble—Japanese Says Peasants’ Revolt in Luzon Likely,” New York Times, 23 March 1934, p. 7. In a 1934 talk he blamed the “white races” for pushing Japan to become “a student in the school of the pirates”; see Kagawa, “The Need for Christ in Japan,” Missionary Review of the World 57 (October 1934): 464.

51. Kagawa, “Revealing Christ in Japan,” Missionary Review of the World 54 (March 1931): 165–168.

52. Kagawa, New Life through God, pp. 191–192. Kagawa’s prejudiced characterizations in his first book, published in 1915, of the burakumin—a minority group descended from an outcaste in Japan’s feudal system—has drawn the attention of historians and Kagawa’s modern critics: see Totten, The Social Democratic Movement in Prewar Japan, p. 364n., and Mullins, “Christianity as a Transnational Social Movement,” p. 84.

53. Hocking, Re-Thinking Missions, pp. 94, 188, 325–329; Laymen’s Foreign Missions Inquiry, Vol. 6, which cited Kagawa more than it did any other single individual, for example at pp. 88, 91, 124, 155, 165. Kagawa responded in “Missions without the Cross,” Christian Century 50 (24 May 1933): 685–687, and in “The Cross in Christian Missions,” Missionary Review of the World 56 (October 1933): 499–502. The latter publication had earlier criticized Re-Thinking Missions in “Laymen Appraise Foreign Missions” (editorial), 54 (November 1932): 580–581. The Christian Century, which generally agreed with the Laymen’s Report, published an insightful analysis of Kagawa’s response: “Kagawa and the Missions Report,” 50 (24 May 1933): 680–681. For a critique of the “use” of Kagawa to raise funds and sympathy for “conventional sectarian” mission work, see Harold Fey, “Play Fair with Kagawa!” Christian Century 50 (11 October 1933): 1270–1272.

54. “A Japanese St. Francis” [review of Axling’s Kagawa], Missionary Review of the World 55 (November 1932): 599–600. For coverage of Kagawa in this publication prior to his 1936 U.S. tour, see also the following issues: July 1924, February 1926, September 1928, September 1930, March 1931, July 1931, November 1931, October 1933, and esp. October 1934. The July 1924 and October 1934 issues included critiques of anti-Japanese immigration laws, oblique in the former case (“Race Superiority,” p. 516), and overt in the latter (Charles Iglehart, “Japan, a Problem—or a Challenge?” pp. 439–441).

55. “The General Missionary Council” (editorial), Christian Advocate 97 (24 January 1936): 100–101. Kagawa reiterated some of these ideas in his Rauschenbusch lectures; see Kagawa, Brotherhood Economics, p. 7.

56. “Statements by church bodies concerning consumer cooperation,” 1935, box 50, folder 10, FCC Papers; and “Kagawa’s Hope for a Christian Economic Order.” See also “Consumers’ Cooperation,” FCC Department of Research and Education Information Service 14 (7 September 1935), box 51, folder 19, FCC Papers; “Conference with Kagawa on Cooperatives,” Federal Council Bulletin 18 (October 1935): 11–12; and “Church Seminar on Cooperatives,” Federal Council Bulletin 18 (November–December 1935): 13. For a similar analysis before Kagawa’s visit that regarded him as a figure to whom American Christians should look for guidance in fashioning an alternative to both capitalism and communism, see “Kagawa on Cooperatives,” Christian Century 52 (27 February 1935): 267–269.

57. “Kagawa: Japanese Here to Put Business on a Christian Basis,” Newsweek, 22 December 1935, p. 22; “Visitor from Japan,” Commonweal 23 (17 January 1936): 329.

58. “Eliminate Profit Motives, Kagawa Tells Churches”; “Kagawa at Indianapolis,” Michigan Christian Advocate, 9 January 1936, p. 8; and “Kagawa Sees New Society,” Indianapolis Star, 31 December 1935, all clippings in box 51, folder 19, FCC Papers. Speaking at the same seminar, the Cooperative League’s E. R. Bowen declared that “laissez faire capitalism has fulfilled its function and is passing as have serfdom and slavery before it”; see “Forum Talker Predicts End of Capitalism,” Indianapolis Times, 31 December 1935, clipping, box 51, folder 19, FCC papers.

59. “Is the Cooperative Movement Christian?” (editorial), Christian Century 53 (11 March 1936): 390–392.

60. “Steps to a Planned Economy,” Social Questions Bulletin 25 (December 1935). On the MFSS leader in these years, see Doug Rossinow, “‘The Model of a Model Fellow Traveler’: Harry F. Ward, the American League for Peace and Democracy, and the ‘Russian Question’ in American Politics, 1933–1956,” Peace and Change 29 (April 2004): 177–220.

61. Bertram Fowler, “The New Crusade: Kagawa Preaches Economic Salvation,” Forum and Century 45 (January 1936): 17–21. Fowler devoted ten pages to Kagawa in his Consumer Cooperation in America: Democracy’s Way Out (New York: Vanguard, 1936), pp. 279–284, 287–291. For sympathetic reviews that nevertheless concluded that Fowler had accepted too much of Kagawa’s “enthusiasm and faith” in co-ops, see Caroline Ware, “More on Co-ops,” Survey Graphic 25 (September 1936): 536; and Ralph Thompson, “Books of the Times,” New York Times, 2 May 1936, p. 13.

62. Gardiner Day, “Cooperative Seminary [sic] Is Significant: Archbishop Temple and Kagawa Leading Figures in Religious Conference,” Churchman 150 (15 January 1936): 20–21, 25.

63. Charles Brodhead, “Methodists Urge Social Doctrine,” Christian Century 53 (25 March 1936): 476–477. In these ten “social commandments,” Kagawa and Jesus were the only individuals mentioned.

64. “Cooperatives Praised,” New York Times, 9 June 1936, p. 19.

65. James Myers to “Secretary,” 25 April 1936, box 52, folder 1, FCC Papers. See also Myers, “The Relation of Kagawa, Christianity and the Cooperatives,” May 1936, box 50, folder 10, FCC Papers.

66. J. G. St. Clair Drake, “Why Not Co-Operate?” Opportunity: A Journal of Negro Life 14 (August 1936): 231–234, 251.

67. David Day to James Myers, 24 January 1936, box 51, folder 16, FCC Papers. Day was a local Resettlement Administration manager; John Steinbeck immortalized some of the cooperative activities of this agency among California farm laborers in The Grapes of Wrath (New York: Viking, 1939).

68. Dorothy Jane Smith to Myers, 13 March 1936, box 52, folder 24, FCC Papers. See also Verna Hatch to Myers, 27 January 1936, box 52, folder 24, FCC Papers.

69. Allan Hunter, Three Trumpets Sound: Kagawa—Gandhi—Schweitzer (New York: Association Press, 1939), 39–40.

70. Ruth Brindze, “The Church and the Cooperative Movement,” Common Sense 5 (May 1936): 10–12; Bishop Edward Parsons, “Are the Churches Going Left?” Common Sense 5 (June 1936): 11–13. Other religious figures who wrote in that series included Methodist bishop Francis McConnell (March), Rev. Jerome Davis (April), and Rev. Reinhold Niebuhr (July).

71. “Japanese Christian Starts an American Church War,” Newsweek, 25 April 1936, p. 42; “Extracts from an article ‘Is Kagawa’s Message Christian?’ by Rev. Louis Patmont,” typescript, February 1936, box 52, folder 1, FCC Papers. See also J. Frank Norris, Sovietizing America through Churches, Colleges, and Consumers’ Cooperatives (Rochester, N.Y.: Interstate Evangelistic Association, n.d. [April 1936]), esp. pp. 9–12, 36–39, 50–60, in box 82, folder 17, FCC Papers.

72. “Social Gospel,” Time, 3 February 1936; editorial, untitled, Churchman 150 (1 May 1936): 7. See also “The Attack Opens on Kagawa” (editorial), Christian Century 53 (8 April 1936): 523; “Kagawa Laughs at Critics, Urges World Co-operation,” Rochester Democrat-Chronicle, 14 April 1936, p. 1, clipping, box 2, folder 11, Kagawa Papers; “Kagawa Is Barred from Discussing Cooperatives,” National Conference of Christians and Jews press release, n.d. [April 1936], box 51, folder 1, FCC Papers; “Kagawa Barred by Masons,” Christian Advocate 97 (10 April 1936); “Capitalism Finds a Friend” (editorial), Christian Century 53 (26 August 1936): 1125–1126; “Replies to Criticisms of the Council,” Federal Council Bulletin 19 (September 1936): 9–10. See also Schildgen, Toyohiko Kagawa, chap. 8.

73. “Kagawa Completes American Visit,” Federal Council Bulletin 19 (September 1936): 10; “Christian Cooperative Fellowship Begins Its Active Program,” Christian Century 53 (21 October 1936): 1381; John Knox, “Churches Launch Co-op Fellowship,” Christian Century 53 (21 October 1936): 1402–1403. See also pamphlets, leaflets, and correspondence on the organization of the CCF, box 2, folder 16, Kagawa Papers.

74. Harold Fey, “Co-op Congress Registers Gains,” Christian Century 53 (21 October 1936): 1400–1401.

75. See, for example, “Study Tour of Nova Scotia Cooperatives,” Federal Council Bulletin 20 (November 1937): 11–12; “Church Conferences on Cooperatives,” Federal Council Bulletin 21 (February 1938): 10; “Study Tours of Cooperatives,” Federal Council Bulletin 21 (March 1938): 15; “Contacts with Labor and Cooperatives,” Federal Council Bulletin 21 (November 1938): 13; “Farm-Labor Unity Asked by Churches,” New York Times, 4 September 1939, p. 18.

76. E. R. Bowen, “Consumers Cooperatives’ Educational Methods,” Annals of the American Academy of Political and Social Science 191 (May 1937): 70–75.

77. Clark Kerr, “Comparative Retailing Costs of Consumers’ Coöperatives,” Annals of the American Academy of Political and Social Science 191 (May 1937): 113–124, at p. 113. Kerr would later attract controversy as president of the University of California during the 1960s.

78. See “Co-Ops,” Time, 13 July 1936. This essay discussed Kagawa’s tour as well as Marquis Childs’s influential Sweden: The Middle Way (New Haven: Conn.: Yale University Press, 1936), noting that the latter spurred FDR to appoint a commission to study Europe’s cooperatives. See also Henry Wallace, Whose Constitution? An Inquiry into the General Welfare (New York: Reynal & Hitchcock, 1936), pp. 309–322; Marquis Childs, “Cooperatives in America,” North American Review 243 (Summer 1937): 217–230; Soren Ostergaard, “Cooperative Denmark,” Christian Century 52 (25 December 1935): 1654–1657; M. A. Dawber, “The Coöperative Movement and the Church,” Annals of the American Academy of Political and Social Science 191 (May 1937): 70–75; and Rodgers, Atlantic Crossings, esp. pp. 318–343, 456–459. For more on the interest in co-ops among American progressives, see, for example, Edmund Brunner, “The Fourth Alternative,” Social Frontier 2 (May 1936): 243–246; “The Cooperative Congress” (editorial), Common Sense 5 (October 1936): 6; and Clark Kerr, “Measuring the Cooperatives,” Survey Graphic 26 (March 1937): 137–141. On Japan, see Akira Yamagishi, “The Cooperative Movement in Japan Today,” Japan Christian Quarterly 11 (Summer 1936): 209–220.

79. See, for example: “End of War Seen in Cooperatives—Dr. Kagawa Says World Trade on This Plan Would Tend to Abolish Conflicts,” New York Times 26 January 1936, p. N1; Harold Fey, “Looking at Life with Kagawa,” Christian Century 47 (12 March 1930): 331–332; Kagawa, Brotherhood Economics, pp. 25, 133–134.

80. See Allan Hunter, Three Trumpets Sound, p. 34; Fisher, “Kagawa and Co-operative Societies as an Economic Panacea.” Some of Kagawa’s supporters had noted even during his tour that co-ops could not solve all economic problems; see James Myers, “The Churches and the Cooperatives,” Christian Century 53 (11 March 1936): 395–396.

81. Childs, “Cooperatives in America,” 229.

82. Gavit, “Torchbearers amid the Muck.” The quoted passage is from “Kagawa in America,” Christian Century 52 (4 December 1935): 1542–1544. Axling, in the revised 1946 edition of Kagawa, employed this same imagery, at p. 129: “For centuries the missionary enterprise had been a one-way movement,” but Kagawa’s U.S. tour “served as a mighty stimulus in transforming this movement into a two-way stream. The Occident no longer had a monopoly on truth and its dissemination.”

83. Carl Heath Kopf, “Kagawa in Boston,” Boston Transcript, clipping, n.d., box 2, folder 11, Kagawa Papers. Charles Brodhead, “Kagawa Foresees New Depression,” Christian Century 53 (4 March 1936): 373–374, had similar observations: “One wonders how far ahead he is of the American ministry and laity whom he has so deeply stirred, how vast the task to change his dreams into American deeds.” Brodhead also quoted Kagawa: “On Sundays we are Christians, but on weekdays we are pagan.” Allan Hunter had described Kagawa in 1934 as “the most famous missionary from the East to the West,” based on Kagawa’s 1925 and 1931 visits to the United States; see Allan Hunter, Out of the Far East (New York: Friendship Press, 1934), pp. 140–145.

84. “Churchmen End Annual Sessions,” Harrisburg Patriot, 29 April 1936, p. 21.

85. “Kagawa: Interpreter of the Whole Gospel,” Federal Council Bulletin 19 (March 1936): 5.

86. “Minutes of the Conference for the Purpose of Setting Up a National Coordinating Advisory Committee to Conserve the Results of Dr. Toyohiko Kagawa’s Visit to America,” 28 January 1936, box 52, folder 24, FCC Papers.

87. Benson Landis, “Christianity and the Cooperatives,” Social Action 2 (15 March 1936): 1–31, at 3, box 50, folder 10, FCC Papers. Social Action was a Congregationalist publication. See also Landis, “The Church and Credit Unions,” reprint from FCC Information Service (n.d. [1941]), same box and folder, in which Landis stated, at p. 7: “High interest among Protestant church forces in the cooperatives generally dates from the visit of Toyohiko Kagawa.”

88. “Kagawa, Apostle of the Christian Cooperative,” Christian Century 52 (25 September 1935), copy, box 52, folder 1, FCC Papers.

89. “Would ‘Convert’ Christians” (editorial), Long Beach (CA) Press Telegram, 2 June 1936, and Georgiana Stevens, “Kagawa: A Story of Christian Achievement in Modern Life,” San Francisco Chronicle, 7 June 1936, both in box 2, folder 11, Kagawa Papers.

90. Thomas Opie, review of A Grain of Wheat, in Churchman 150 (1 April 1936): 18.

91. “An Open Letter to Kagawa” (editorial), Illinois State Journal, 8 February 1936, in Kagawa in Lincoln’s Land, p. 5.

92. Rev. J. Henry Carpenter, “Kagawa’s Final Message to America,” press release, 16 June 1936, box 2, folder 12, Kagawa Papers.

93. Paul Hutchinson, “Kagawa: Proletarian Saint,” Atlantic Monthly 157 (May 1936): 594–600, at p. 594.

94. Sherwood Eddy, “Introduction,” in Kagawa, Songs from the Slums (Nashville: Cokes-bury Press, 1935), p. 14. Rev. Ivan Lee Holt, the president of the FCC, made a similar point in “The Service of the Federal Council to the Churches,” Biennial Report, 1936 (New York, 1936), 7–20, box 80, folder 2, FCC Papers: “Christianity is challenged in mission fields by the same forces which challenge it in older Christian lands” (p. 9).

95. “Dr. Kagawa Finds Nation in Tragedy,” New York Times, 27 January 1936, p. 2.

96. “Dr. Kagawa Offers Plan to Halt War,” New York Times, 28 January 1936, p. 5. See also Kagawa, Christ and Japan, p. 120.

97. M. H. Strong, “Kagawa and an Opportunity” (letter) Churchman 150 (15 February 1936): 3. See also: “Kagawa to Lead Service” (editorial), Churchman 150 (1 April 1936): 9; Kagawa, “Pray for the Kingdom of God Movement: What We Need Is Fire!” Churchman 150 (1 May 1936): 12–13; and Winifred Kirkland, “As Jesus Prayed That Night!” Churchman 150 (15 March 1936): 3–4.

98. John Irwin, “Seeing Life with Kagawa: A Worship Service,” Kagawa in Lincoln’s Land, pp. 32–33.

99. “Kagawa’s Message of Greeting to His First American Audience,” Kagawa in Lincoln’s Land, p. 15. Kagawa’s use of the phrase “Hell America” here was very different than the way he had used it in 1930, when it referred to the wealthy as sinners rather than the poor as victims; see Brown, “Kagawa Diagnoses American Religion.”

100. “Patience of China Waning, Says Kang; Kagawa Bids Farewell,” New York Times, 1 July 1936, p. 4. Kagawa here muted his prior criticism of U.S. rule in the Philippines. Contemporary American anti-imperialists were more ambivalent about the agreement that led to Philippine independence; see, for example, “Filipinos: We Apologize” (editorial), The World Tomorrow 16 (25 January 1933): 75, and Shirley Jenkins, “The Independence Lobby,” in The Philippine Reader: A History of Colonialism, Neocolonialism, Dictatorship, and Resistance, ed. Daniel Schirmer and Stephen Shalom (Boston: South End Press, 1987), pp. 55–58, 87.

101. “Foreigners on Foreign Missions” (editorial), Missionary Review of the World 59 (February 1936): 68–69.

102. Hutchinson, “Kagawa: Proletarian Saint,” p. 597. For an earlier example of the sentiment against which Hutchinson was writing, see Saunders, “Introduction,” in Kagawa, New Life through God, 16.

103. Schildgen, “How Race Mattered.”

104. “Kagawa at Indianapolis,” Michigan Christian Advocate, 9 January 1936, p. 7, clipping, box 51, folder 19, FCC Papers.

105. “Calls American No Longer Christian.” For a sampling of correspondence in Foreign Relations of the United States on this issue, see 1924, vol. 2, pp. 397–401; 1930, vol. 3, pp. 315–317; 1937, vol. 3, pp. 1, 584. See also F. Hillary Conroy, Francis Conroy, and Sophie Quinn-Judge, West across the Pacific: American Involvement in East Asia from 1898 to the Vietnam War (Youngstown, N.Y.: Cambria Press, 2008), passim.

106. See, for example, all in the Federal Council Bulletin, vol. 7: George Wickersham, “Fair Play for the Japanese,” March–April 1924, p. 3; “Churches Made United Efforts to Secure Friendly Dealing with Japan,” May–June 1924, pp. 21–22; “Messages from Japan,” July–August 1924, p. 16; “The American Churches to the Churches of Japan,” September–October 1924, p. 14; Bishop Herbert Welch and Rev. William Axling, “How Japan Feels about the Exclusion Act,” September–October 1924, p. 13. There were additional articles on the topic in every issue of the Bulletin in 1924. In retrospect, some might see the FCC efforts as too tepid, as the missionary-lobbyists agreed that “further immigration of Japanese should be stopped,” but through the provisions of the earlier gentlemen’s agreement rather than new laws; see “Churches Seek to Maintain Friendship with Japan,” Federal Council Bulletin 7 (March–April 1924): 4. See also A. K. Reischauer, “The Exclusion Act and the Christian Movement,” Federal Council Bulletin 8 (January–February 1925): 6, and Samuel McCrea Cavert to Rev. W. H. Geistwait, 23 April 1924, box 12, folder 2, FCC Papers. Miller, American Protestantism and Social Issues, pp. 291–293; Eleanor Tupper and George McReynolds, Japan in American Public Opinion (New York: Macmillan, 1937), esp. pp. 194–195, 219; and Izume Hirobe, “American Attitudes toward the Japanese Immigration Question, 1924–1941,” Journal of American-East Asian Relations 2 (Fall 1993): 275–301, discuss FCC lobbying on this legislation.

107. Axling, Japan Wonders Why?, p. 9; Axling, Kagawa.

108. “The Church’s Stake in the Far Eastern Crisis,” Federal Council Bulletin 18 (March 1935): 3–4; “Churches Speak Out on American-Japanese Relations,” Federal Council Bulletin 18 (April 1935): 8–9; “Naval Maneuvers Modified,” Federal Council Bulletin 18 (May 1935): 5.

109. Walter Van Kirk, The ABC of American-Japanese Relations (New York, [1935]), box 36, folder 3, FCC Papers.

110. “Missionaries in Japan Plead for Peace,” Federal Council Bulletin 18 (June 1935): 6; Holt, “The Service of the Federal Council to the Churches,” p. 9.

111. “Welcome Kagawa with Your Pledge,” Fellowship 1 (December 1935): 7; Hunter, Out of the Far East, esp. 59–60, 77–78, and 166; Hunter, “Easing the Tension with Japan,” Fellowship 2 (June 1936): 8–9. See also David Bender, “Forwarded via Kagawa” (letter), Christian Century 52 (19 June 1935): 829.

112. “‘Thank God That He Is Not of This Great White Race…’: Francis Grimké Praises Toyohiko Kagawa (1936),” at https://www3.amherst.edu/~aardoc/Grimke_Kagawa_1936_1.html, accessed 6 August 2011, which includes the text of Grimké’s leaflet “Dr. Toyohiko Kagawa” (1936). See also Kagawa to Grimké, January 1933, in The Works of Francis J. Grimké, vol. IV, ed. Carter Woodson (Washington, D.C.: Associated Publishers, 1942), p. 467.

113. See F. W. Tomlinson to J. Henry Carpenter, 24 February 1936, copy, and George Haynes to James Myers, 22 May 1936, both in box 52, folder 24, FCC Papers, and W. L. Darby to Myers, 2 January 1936, Myers to Udo Rall, 6 January 1936, and related correspondence, all in box 52, folder 1, FCC Papers.

114. Edwin Buehrer, “Relief Situation Arouses States,” Christian Century 53 (15 July 1936): 994. In this speech Kagawa said that he “learned to love the American people”; see “Tour’s End,” Time (6 July 1936).

115. Kagawa to John R. Mott, 6 August 1935, copy, box 52, folder 1, FCC Papers.

116. Elizabeth Dilling, The Red Network: A “Who’s Who” and Handbook of Radicalism for Patriots (Kenilworth, Ill.: n.p., 1934), pp. 149–150, 270, 304; “A Postscript to a White House Conference” (editorial), Federal Council Bulletin 19 (January 1936): 5.

117. “The New Issue in Race Relations,” Federal Council Bulletin 18 (February 1935): 4–5.

118. “Statements by Church Bodies concerning Consumer Cooperation,” [1935], box 50, folder 10, FCC Papers.

119. Carpenter, “Kagawa’s Final Message to America,” and Carpenter, “A Little Man from Japan Challenges America.” In his later work as head of the CCF, Carpenter, after a study tour of Nova Scotia, claimed that the rise of cooperatives meant that “communism had been almost entirely displaced there.” Carpenter’s anticommunism did not shield him from McCarthyite attacks after World War II, when he was temporarily denied a passport as an alleged “red”; see “Dr. Carpenter’s Friends Mystified by State Department’s Passport Ban,” Brooklyn Eagle, 20 May 1952; “U.S. Indicates Passport OK, Then Rebuffs Dr. Carpenter,” Brooklyn Eagle, 19 August 1952; and related clippings in the J. Henry Carpenter folder, Brooklyn Eagle Files, Brooklyn Collection, Brooklyn Public Library.

120. Victor Edward Marriott, “Kagawa: Guest of America,” International Journal of Religious Education 12 (February 1936): 6–7, 12; “Chicago Clergy Greet Kagawa, Jap Evangelist,” Chicago Daily Tribune, 11 February 1936, p. 9.

121. “Kagawa in Chicago,” flyer, [February 1936], and “Kagawa in Eastern Ohio,” flyer, [March 1938], box 52, folder 24, FCC Papers. See also “Kagawa Coming to Sioux Falls,” flyer, box 2, folder 12, Kagawa Papers.

122. Kagawa, “Love, the Law of Life,” Kagawa in Lincoln’s Land, pp. 34–40, quotation at 37; see also Kagawa, Christ and Japan, pp. 120–128. While early descriptions of the Kingdom of God movement portrayed it as straightforward evangelism, by 1934, when the movement had clearly not met its numerical goals, Kagawa argued in retrospect that it had been launched mainly to combat communism’s appeal to young Japanese; see Kagawa, “Facing a Crisis in Japan,” Missionary Review of the World 57 (October 1934): 465–467. His anticommunist approach resembled that of prominent anti-racist and anti-imperialist missionary to India Rev. E. Stanley Jones in Christ’s Alternative to Communism (Cincinnati, 1935). See also Christianity and the Social Revolution, ed. John Lewis, Karl Polanyi, and Donald Kitchin (New York: Abingdon Press, 1936).

123. Galen Fisher, “Main Drive behind Japanese National Policies,” Pacific Affairs 13 (December 1940): 381–392.

124. “Extracts from an article ‘Is Kagawa’s Message Christian?’ by Rev. Louis Patmont.”

125. “Japanese Christian Starts an American Church War”; Norris, Sovietizing America, esp. pp. 9–12, 33, 50–60.

126. Jan Karel Van Baalen, Kagawa the Christian (Grand Rapids, Mich.: Eerdmans, 1936), pp. 6–7, 95–96; Anders Stephanson, Manifest Destiny: American Expansionism and the Empire of Right (New York: Hill and Wang, 1995). Van Baalen, at pp. 30–33, criticized The Christian Century for portraying Kagawa as a theological modernist.

127. “Tour’s End,” Time, 6 July 1936.

128. J. Clyde Keegan, “What Went Ye Out to Hear?” Christian Century 53 (4 March 1936): 371–372.

129. E. A. Fridell, “Kagawa Packs Seattle Halls,” Christian Century 53 (24 June 1936): 909.

130. Hutchinson, “Kagawa: Proletarian Saint.” Disagreements among Kagawa’s supporters over the precise goals of his tour are significant, but can only be noted here. The Christian Century opposed any emphasis on raising funds to construct rural churches in Japan, while the missionary establishment appeared at times to make that a priority. See, for example, “Kagawa’s Rural Churches: What Are the Facts?” (editorial), Christian Century 53 (22 April 1936): 588–589; J. Henry Carpenter, “Rural Churches in Japan,” Christian Century 53 (13 May 1936): 708; “Foreigners on Foreign Missions” (editorial), Missionary Review of the World 59 (February 1936): 68–69. According to “Minutes of the Conference for the Purpose of Setting Up a National Coordinating Advisory Committee to Conserve the Results of Dr. Toyohiko Kagawa’s Visit,” 28 January 1936, box 52, folder 24, FCC Papers, the Foreign Missions Council agreed that raising funds for Japanese churches was secondary to encouraging American churches to work with economic cooperatives.

131. Kristin Hoganson, Consumers’ Imperium: The Global Production of American Domesticity, 1865–1920 (Chapel Hill: University of North Carolina Press, 2007).

132. “Lost Leader,” Time, 22 October 1933; “Herald of Cooperation,” Literary Digest 121 (8 February 1936): 17; “Making the Most of Incapacities,” Literary Digest 123 (16 January 1937): 27; “Marginal Notes,” Asia 37 (September 1937): 659.

133. Carpenter, “A Little Man from Japan Challenges America”; Lester Riley, review of Meditations on the Cross, in Churchman 150 (1 February 1936): 18.

134. See esp. Edward Said, Orientalism (New York: Pantheon, 1978).

135. Gavit, “Torchbearers amid the Muck”; Fey, “Play Fair with Kagawa!” Christian Century 50 (11 October 1933): 1270–1272; Yusuke Tsurumi, “Toyohiko Kagawa,” Japan Christian Quarterly 10 (April 1935): 111–117, quotations at pp. 111–112.

136. Saunders, “Introduction,” in Kagawa, New Life through God, 5; Axling, Kagawa, chap. 10.

137. Dr. Bimmons, “How Beautiful upon the Mountains.”

138. “Kagawa Scoffs at Talk of War,” New York Times, 25 January 1936, p. 16; “Patience of China Waning, Says Kang; Kagawa Bids Farewell,” New York Times, 1 July 1936, p. 4; “Kagawa Pleads for Peace by Co-Operation,” New York Herald-Tribune, 27 January 1936, p. 9.

139. “Missionary Editor in Trouble in Japan” (editorial), Christian Century 53 (15 January 1936): 70; Frank Rawlinson, “Japanese Army Designs Fail,” Christian Century 53 (29 January 1936): 204–205; Rawlinson, “Japan Tries New Conquest Policy,” Christian Century 53 (15 July 1936): 998.

140. “Kagawa,” Michigan Christian Advocate, 9 January 1936, p. 7, clipping, box 51, folder 19, FCC Papers.

141. “Missionaries Fear Future in Japan,” New York Times, 18 October 1936, p. 130.

142. “Christmas Gift to Kagawa,” Federal Council Bulletin 21 (February 1938): 11; “$1,000 for Japanese Leader,” New York Times, 26 December 1938, p. 3; Carpenter to “Friend,” 16 November 1938, box 52, box 1, FCC Papers. In early 1938 Kagawa, while noting difficulties with revived Japanese nationalism, was still hopeful regarding cooperatives and rural evangelism; see Kagawa to Emerson Bradshaw, 28 January 1938, box 2, folder 20, Kagawa Papers. By late 1940, Americans were smuggling money to Kagawa; see Carpenter, circular letter, n.d. [late 1940], box 2, folder 21, Kagawa Papers.

143. Kagawa, “To Tears,” Christian Century 55 (5 January 1938): 14. For a sympathetic response, also in verse, see Edith Lovejoy Pierce, “For Toyohiko Kagawa,” Christian Century 55 (9 February 1938): 175.

144. Helen Topping, “Kagawa and the War,” Christian Century 55 (4 May 1938): 558–560; M. D. [Mahadev Desai], “Dr. Kagawa’s Visit,” Harijan 6 (21 January 1939): 430–436. In “The Meaning of the Cross,” Missionary Review of the World 62 (March 1939): 125–126, Kagawa wrote: “Since he died for us, we ought to be willing to die for Christ’s sake,” but apparently Kagawa was not willing to do so at that time. See also the contrast between two articles in Time: “Kagawa’s Tears,” 7 February 1938, and “God and the Emperor,” 9 September 1940. For a 1936 account that accused him of openness to working with Japan’s “possibly fascist state,” see Martha Gruening, review of Kagawa, A Grain of Wheat, in The New Republic 87 (24 June 1936): 220.

145. Dr. Henry Van Dusen, “What I Found in Japan,” Missionary Review of the World 62 (October 1939): 446–448. Van Dusen did not mention Kagawa specifically.

146. See, for example: Allan Hunter, “U.S. Churchmen Meet Japanese,” Christian Century 58 (7 May 1941): 630, 637; “Peace Talk with Japan,” Time, 21 April 1941; “Christianity in Japan,” Time, 5 May 1941; Jon Thares Davidann, Cultural Diplomacy in U.S.-Japanese Relations, 1919–1941; Iglehart, A Century of Protestant Christianity in Japan, p. 237. On increased Japanese government control over churches as war approached, see Drummond, A History of Christianity in Japan, pp. 256–269.

147. Bertram Fowler, who had lavishly praised Kagawa in 1936, mentioned him not at all in his postwar book on the topic, The Co-operative Challenge (Boston: Little, Brown, 1948).

148. See, for example, Gerald Sittser, A Cautious Patriotism: The American Churches and the Second World War (Chapel Hill: University of North Carolina Press, 1997).

149. See the articles and correspondence in box 36, folder 11, FCC Papers. Among relevant postwar articles in Time, see especially “Through Christian Eyes,” 24 September 1945; “No. 1 Christian,” 3 June 1946; and “Send Us Men,” 24 July 1950. See also Schildgen, Toyohiko Kagawa, chaps. 11 and 12.

150. John Scott, “Kagawa as a Prophet” (letter), Christian Century 59 (11 March 1942): 324.

151. John Haynes Holmes, “A Letter to Kagawa,” Christian Century 59 (11 November 1942): 1387–1390; Walter Mitchell, open letter, Phoenix Gazette, clipping, August 1943, box 3, folder 24, Kagawa Papers.

152. See Robert Shaffer, “Cracks in the Consensus: Defending the Rights of Japanese Americans during World War II,” Radical History Review 72 (Fall 1998): 84–120. On Carpenter, see “J. Henry Carpenter” and “Japanese-Americans” folders, Brooklyn Eagle files. On Stanley Hunter, see the diary entry by Eleanor Breed, in Only What We Could Carry: The Japanese American Internment Experience, ed. Lawson Fusao Inada (Berkeley, Calif.: Heyday, 2000), pp. 35–47.

153. J. Henry Carpenter, Peace through Co-Operation (New York: Harper and Brothers, 1944); “Carpenter’s Book Warns of Chaos Unless Nations Co-operate in Peace,” Brooklyn Eagle, 28 May 1944, clipping, Carpenter folder, Brooklyn Eagle Files. On his work during World War II on behalf of Chinese cooperatives, see “Dr. Carpenter Starts on Mission to Inspect Asian Co-Operatives,” Brooklyn Eagle, 30 June 1942, and related clippings, Carpenter folder, Brooklyn Eagle files.

154. Emerson Bradshaw, The Unconquerable Kagawa (St. Paul, Minn.: Macalester Park, 1952), esp. pp. 17–18, 31–32, 108–121, 148–157. See also Schildgen, Toyohiko Kagawa, pp. 264–267. It is possible that Kagawa’s Cold War outlook in 1950 obscured to later historians his earlier, more radical message.

155. For a more multicultural example, see The Dawn of Religious Pluralism: Voices from the World’s Parliament of Religions, 1893, ed. Richard Seager (LaSalle, Ill.: Open Court, 1993), especially on the triumphant reception of Swami Vivekananda. While Kagawa’s writings are replete with criticisms of Buddhism, for relatively favorable comments see Kagawa, Christ and Japan, pp. 73–75.

156. “The Coming of Kagawa” (editorial, with poem), Federal Council Bulletin 18 (November–December 1935): 3. For “The Man with the Hoe,” see http://www.english.emory.edu/classes/paintings&poems/markham.html.

Additional Information

ISSN
1527-8050
Print ISSN
1045-6007
Pages
577-621
Launched on MUSE
2013-11-12
Open Access
No
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