Barricades: The War of the Streets in Revolutionary Paris, 1830-1848 (review)

Jill Harsin's account of republicanism is relevant not only to our understanding of what motivated the men and women of the nineteenth century to die on the barricades, but also to the debate that is currently occupying politicians in France today concerning the very meaning of the words "republic" and "republican."

Harsin's view of history incorporates the narratives of individuals who saw themselves as historical actors. This approach helps us understand what distinguished republicans from other working class groups, and how they conducted themselves according to a strict code of honor which involved self-discipline, physical courage, and emulation of past revolutionaries such as Robespierre, Marat and Saint Just. Harsin starts her exploration of the republican movement with story of Joseph Henry who, in 1846, became the seventh, and last person to attempt to assassinate King Louis-Philippe, or his sons. What mattered was not the attempt, but that Henry's manuscripts provide a window into the mind of an "ordinary" man of this time.

Harsin then turns her attention to the July Revolution of 1830 to trace the evolution of the defeat of the republican movement. The July Monarchy began a series of judicial attacks against the Société des Amis du Peuple, the leading group of moderate republicans. Harsin explores how these measures moved republicanism into a more extreme position, largely dominated by the working class, a shift which had become evident by the time of the uprisings of 5-6 June 1832. The trials which resulted from these uprisings marked the defeat of moderate bourgeois republicanism, which was replaced by more radical montagnards who insisted on blood and martyrdom. A new paramilitary group, dominated by workers, emerged in the wake of these events - the Société des Droits de l'Homme et du Citoyen. Several court challenges by the government attempted to dissolve the society, culminating in the April 1834 uprising. This insurrection was marked by two civilian massacres - the first on the rue Beaubourg, the second at n^o12 rue Transnonain, which became the symbol of the insurrection and government brutality. Harsin's detailed account of what transpired at the rue Tansnonain includes first-hand accounts of survivors, witnesses, and gov-ernment soldiers.

The insurrection of 1834 finished the Société des Droits de l'Homme et du Citoyen. With its leadership in custody, and other members disheartened by lengthy trials, the movement went underground. A new secret group, la Société des Familles (later restructured as la Société des Saisons), led by Louis-Auguste Blanqui, Armand Barbès and Martin-Bernard was created. Their programme reflected the social repub-licanism of the sdhc, emphasizing the division of society into rich and poor, demanding the "right to existence," political participation, and free public education. Led by Blanqui, the Société des Saisons staged a failed insurrection on 12 May 1839.

These repeated failures of the republican movement left a gap that was filled by several attempts to assassinate the king. But by the 1840s many working-class men had rejected republican violence, and communism and socialism began to gain popularity. Republicans in the 1840s faced the challenge of convincing people that "no meaningful economic and social transformation could be achieved without a prior conquest of the state" (212) and that bloodshed would be necessary to reach that goal. Unlike republicanism, socialism's emphasis was on standard-of-living issues. It was neither violent nor passionate, and had intellectual appeal for it provided a comprehensive explanation of the changes to the workplace, as well as a clear vision of the future. The common belief uniting various types of socialism was the importance of workers' associations. Although by the late 1840s most republican groups had also adopted the idea of association as one of their goals, they were still perceived as distinct from socialists...