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Diaspora 4:1 1995 The Illusion of Social Inclusion: Cambodian Youth in South Australia Christine A. Stevens Stevens Social Research As a result of the turmoil in Cambodia during the 1970s, traditional Cambodian society was fundamentally altered: Cambodians were uprooted, and after the Vietnamese invasion in 1978, thousands fled to camps on the Thai-Cambodian border, where many sought and were selected for resettlement in other countries. Approximately 12,000 Cambodians were accepted for resettlement in Australia as refugees in the period 1975-85, with approximately 2,500 settling in South Australia. The emigrants to South Australia were youthful, with 51% of all arrivals in the period 1979-85 aged 19 years or less (Stevens). Since this period when refugees first arrived in Australia from Cambodia, Laos, and Vietnam, the social adaptation of refugee youth has been little researched. Generally, young people have been but one ofthe age groups included in largescale surveys or in-depth studies, such as those by Wendy Poussard, Nancy Viviani, and others, that focused on the early stages ofresettlement .1 The research that has focused on refugee youth has concentrated on educational achievement (Spearritt and Colman; Kelly and Bennoun; Chan; Mundy) or mental health status and adjustment (Krupinski and Burrows). At a time of ongoing debate about the size and nature of the immigrant intake, and concern that the resulting cultural diversity may foster ethnic conflicts and endanger social cohesion, this lack ofresearch on the social aspects ofthe settlement process young refugees from Southeast Asia undertake is a significant omission. Although Australian immigration policy assumes that social cohesion is achievable despite the ethnic diversity of immigrants, the nature of social cohesion is either not defined or has changed over time. The official policy of multiculturalism recognizes limited rights to express and share cultural heritage, the right to social justice and equality of treatment and opportunity, and the need to develop and utilize the skills of all Australians, irrespective of race, ethnicity, or place of birth (Department of the Prime Minister and Cabinet, Office ofMulticultural Affairs, National ). Yet official policy has tended to lead rather than be led by public opinion. While tolerance ofethnic diversity within the community has grown, opponents Diaspora 4:1 1995 of increased Asian immigration have suggested that migrants from such countries constitute a threat. They are seen to threaten economically , competing for the few jobs available; socially, introducing diversity of values and attitudes (which some believe will undermine those traditionally held and valued here); and ethnically and racially, changing the previously accepted desired composition of Australian society (Blainey). While empirical evidence on the effect ofAsian migration on social cohesion is sparse, research has concentrated on evidence of social disorder (Holton and Fletcher) and public attitudes toward "Asian" immigrants (DIEA Migrant). Although there is little evidence of overt social conflict, data on public attitudes are inconclusive. Some research indicates high rates of antipathy toward Vietnamese (Department of the Prime Minister and Cabinet, Office of Multicultural Affairs, Issues), while other evidence suggests that, despite little neighborhood contact between "Australian" and "Asian" families, there is "latent goodwill" between such neighbours and that Asian migrants want "to integrate themselves in the Australian society" (Department of Immigration and Ethnic Affairs, Migrant 18). Examining the extent to which young adult Cambodians in South Australia have become socially included in Australian society, my study addresses some of these issues.2 Based upon interviews with this immigrant group, my analysis considers participation in formal organizational life and informal social groups, as well as identification with Australian society generally, rates of citizenship, and commitment to a future life in Australia. The interviews were conducted with 92 Cambodians who migrated to South Australia in the period 1979-85 and who were between 15 and 19 years old at the time of their arrival.3 The sample represented 57% of Cambodians in this age cohort who were living in South Australia at the time of the survey. Interviews, conducted in 1988 by a researcher of AngloCeltic background, used an interview schedule, and all interviews, with the exception of three, were conducted in English. For the remaining three a young Cambodian of mixed Khmer/Chinese descent interpreted. The interview material provided data for...

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