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BOOK REVIEWS141 powers, including their support of the war effort after 1939, only further compromised thee stance. Beck does not claim that his study of Hesse breaks new ground.This regional press Ui fact dUfered Uttle from that of other areas. But his thorough analysis of the editorial utterances is a useful addition to our general knowledge. His conclusion , with hindsight, that the faüure to confront the evUs of Nazism more forcibly owed much to the continuity ofCatholic attitudes from the 1920's with its disapproval of democratic Uberalism is certaUily correct but only reuiforces the view that German Catholics were caught up in an ambivalent and ultimately moraUy disastrous conflict of loyalties. His claim that the church press should be recognized as having played a significant role in resisting Nazi ideological pretensions is ei line with the view adopted by other authors in this series of volumes. But even so, the general faUure of German Catholics to take a stand against this nefarious government and its atrocities cannot be denied. The record is a sobering example of the weakness of reUgious convictions when confronted by the criminal acts of a totaUtarian regime. John S. Conway University ofBritish Columbia The Rise ofChristian Democracy in Europe. By Stathis N. Kalyvas. (Ithaca, New York: CorneU University Press. 1996. Pp. xi, 300. $45.00 clothbound; $1995 paperback.) Most scholars agree that Christian Democratic parties are anomalous in a modern , secular age; not only do they represent a curious hybrid of secular and sectarian interests, but they can also embody electoral coaUtions that transcend economic, regional, and even ethnic differences to maintaUi poUtical power over long periods of time. Stathis Kalyvas has a theory to explain these curiosities. Kalyvas proposes that Christian Democratic parties in Austria, Belgium, Germany , Italy, and the Netherlands originated from decisions of nineteenthcentury political actors, namely, the Church and conservative poUtical eUtes. Though these actors may not have UUtiaUy intended to create confessional parties , Kalyvas asserts that they "set the process in motion" by creating a new political consciousness or identity amongst lay Catholics. Fueling the long-term poUtical separation of CathoUcs from non-CathoUcs and of conservative CathoUcs from more Uberal-leaning ones, this unique political identity has become mobilized and institutionalized in Christian Democratic parties. According to Kalyvas, this is the source of the parties' longevity, even in the secular context of modern European poUtics. Unlike other theories on this subject, Kalyvas' is a rational actor model; it considers Christian Democracy in the political context of actors, preferences, and strategies. Bringing together two separate traditions Ui the Uterature, Kalyvas ar- 142BOOK REVIEWS gues that the Church and conservative eUtes joined forces to confront nineteenth century Liberal attacks on CathoUcism.The Church, with its extensive network of literate and active clergy, brought a depth of organization to the conservative causes whereas the lay conservative leadership gave the Church something it was neither wiUing nor capable of achieving on its own—parUamentary representation through a poUtical party. Unfortunately for them, the two forces unintentionaUy combined to produce poUtical Catholicism, a seUsustaineig movement,which eventuaUy embued the lower clergy, the press, and the leaders of the new poUtical party, and its many ancillary organizations with mass-based authority. In this way the parties were transformed from CathoUc political parties to Christian Democratic ones. In this very detailed text, Kalyvas does an impressive job of systematicaUy addressing the anomalies of Christian Democracy's existence in modern poUtics. Perhaps this is his greatest contribution to understanding their continued existence : by asking what caused confessional parties to arise in some cUcumstances and not in others and by focusmg on the voluntary (i.e., not inevitable) process of party formation, he opens avenues for more rigorous research. Devoting one entire chapter to France,where CathoUcism did not take on political dUnensions, he explains that the Church had not chosen initiaUy to organize the laity and, as a consequence, could not enter poUtics effectively. Unfortunately, Kalyvas' theory overlooks the very context in which these "rational " decisions were made. Arguing that the strategies of both sets of elites were defensive receptions to Uberal anti-CathoUcism, Kalyvas neglects to note the changing enveonment Ui which these eUtes...


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