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BOOK REVIEWS 191 that Americans will learn the Soviet market. There is plenty of how-where-andwhen advice in this work, beginning with a short survey of the Soviet economic structure and giving particular attention to histjrical barriers to trade. Also included is an explanation of internal contradictions which have inhibited bilateral trade —state control of import-export patterns, ruble non-convertibility, and the attempt to maintain balanced bilateral trade flows— and a review of areas in which the new Soviet leadership would like to see further change. Not enough attention, however, is given to U.S. -imposed barriers. Chapters 2 and 3 present an overview of the Soviet economy and the particulars of Soviet trade patterns. Neither the old patterns of trade nor the new Soviet program favor Americans: "the products that the Soviets now want, machinery and equipment, compose less than 10 percent of U.S. deliveries." Yet in order to arm the would-be adventurer with the basic tools to invade the Soviet economy, the general overview presented here is indispensable. The authors also examine Soviet reservations concerning Western involvement in certain sectors , and they account for areas in which U.S. regulations or foreign contenders may make America less competitive. Chapters 4 and 5 address the glamorous and most probable mode of economic interaction: the joint enterprise. Again, beginning with a historical overview and comparison of past reforms, the Carvounises discuss the environment, rules and barriers to joint enterprise. However, in the short time since the book's publication, the rules have already been altered. Nevertheless, the section presents a firm foundation of information for interested entrepreneurs. The final chapter discusses perestroïka's international impact and whether it will benefit or harm U.S. interests. This complicated appraisal is the book's weakest portion. In addition, the authors' skepticism about the benefits accruing from a revamped Soviet economy may inadvertently fuel conservative attempts to limit American involvement in the Soviet Union. Aside from this lapse, however, U.S. Commercial Opportunities in the Soviet Union is a much needed guide which should decrease American disadvantages in East-West trade and foster American profits in the Soviet Union. Terrorism and the State: A Critique of Domination Through Fear. By William D. Perdue. New York: Praeger Publishers, 1989. 204 pp. $42.95/cloth. Reviewed by Sayres S. Rudy, M.A. Candidate, SAIS. Despite the emotional reaction of analysts and spectators to the word "terrorism," creative thought about the phenomenon is rare. Quantitatively-oriented analysts often point out the relatively insignificant numbers of lives lost to terrorism, and the concomitant insignificance of terrorism to international relations. More passionate analysts have criticized either the evils of terrorism or the evils causing it. Some, like Christopher Hitchens, have argued persuasively that the term has lost its utility altogether and should simply be abandoned. 192 SAIS REVIEW In his book, William Perdue argues that terrorism is an important phenomenon , and the term should not be abandoned because of confusion surrounding its definition. On the contrary, Perdue argues eloquently that this confusion exists because of historical perceptions of the sanctity and innocence of the state. Ifwe hold to the simple definition of terrorism implied in Perdue's subtitle rather than abandon the term, we expose the state itself to wide criticism and culpability . Simply put, it is our subconscious resistance to the idea of the terrorist state, rather than an objective assessment ofstate behavior, that colors our definition of terrorism. Columnists, academics and policymakers have all agreed that terrorists are forces of barbarism "who threaten civilization and democratic order." But Perdue 's thesis maintains that terrorism is usually a mutually inspired phenomenon , a result of "enduring structures of global dependency in which the forces of order clash with those of change." The modern nation-state, he says, represents the supreme organization of political power, whereby dominion and rule is concentrated in a single structure. It holds a monopoly on many forms of lethal force, including that exercised by the military and the police. The state, he continues, has the "power to intimidate or coerce both domestic and international opponents and to do so efficiently and continuously over time." Moreover, Perdue points out, with...

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