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BOOK REVIEWS267 the best case he can for the endurance of both a poUtical and economic elite, who, he argues, dominated prewar Ufe, orchestrated the state's secession, and survived the resulting debacle better than those lower on the social scale. Professor Moneyhon, the leading Marxist among current Arkansas historians, supports these views primarily from economic grounds and gives lesser weight to a number ofcultural factors. These include the determination of the Arkansas masses to keep the state as unmodernized as possible. The eUte discovered early that it might be permitted to hold office but not to govern. Also the Civil War defeat created psychological realities in Arkansas that often outweighed economic considerations. Indeed, evidence that the Bourbons recaptured the state after 1874 is hard to come by. FuU proof of the continuity thesis requires a chronological leap to at least 1920. Too many issues were stiU undecided in 1874 for this to be a suitable stopping point. Each of his three sections is based on extensive readings of primary sources basted with a tolerable tad of statistical seasonings. None is, of course, a complete history of the period, and it remains a problem for those wishing to look more in depth at both the poUtical and social issues of Arkansas Reconstruction that this period stiU has not been accorded a modern comprehensive account. Nevertheless, readers wiU find this book a valuable addition to the literature of all three areas. A few minor problems should be noted. Serious deficiencies exist witii the uncredited maps. In some data is projected for counties not yet in existence. The Civil War map has both inaccuracies and serious omissions. FinaUy, since Louisiana State University Press chose microscopic print, they should have provided readers with a magnifying glass. They are to be commended for putting the footnotes at the bottom ofthe page where they belong. A good index is provided. Michael B. Dougan Arkansas State University Entrepreneurfor Equality: Governor Rufus Bullock, Commerce, and Race in Post-Civil War Georgia. By Russell Duncan. (Athens: University of Georgia Press, 1994. Pp. 278. $40.00.) RusseU Duncan takes issue with the traditional view of Rufus Bullock as a corrupt, opportunistic Reconstruction politician in this biography of Georgia's only elected Republican governor. "When forced to decide if his own political and economic career mattered more than racial justice," the author definitively states, "Bullock opted for the latter" (x). Duncan proceeds to portray Bullock as aheroic, and generally honest, leaderwho dedicated his pubUc careertothe twin goals of economic development and civil rights. The governor's commitment to racial justice, Duncan argues, can be traced back to his early Ufe in upstate New York, an economically expanding region awash in the ideals of evangelicalism, abolitionism, and free labor. After com- 268CIVIL WAR HISTORY pleting his education and gaining proficiency as a telegraph operator, BuUock went to work for the Adams Express Company to help expand its services into the South. In 1859 he and his family settled in Augusta, Georgia. According to Duncan, despite subsequently owning seven slaves, advocating secession, and supporting the Confederacy as a superintendent of telegraph operations, Bullock never reaUy felt at home in the South. After the war, he attempted to make Georgia more attractive to Northern investment, helped write the state's Reconstruction constitution, and became active in Republican poUtics. In 1868, he won election as governor. Duncan describes BuUock's subsequent showdown with hostile Democratic legislators as the central event of his governorship. When these opponents, many ofthem ex-Confederates, attempted to unseat blacks from the legislature, BuUock arrived at "a turning point in his poUtical and personal Ufe" (65). Confronted with a legislature that denied blacks the right to hold office and a rising tide of Klan violence that hindered black poUtical participation, BuUock became "a champion of equal treatment without regard to race" at great poUtical cost to himself (77). The governor persistently lobbied President Grant and Congress to continue Reconstruction in Georgia, but ultimately the national government's unwillingness to enforce the voting rights of black and white RepubUcans speUed disaster for BuUock. With a new Redeemer Democratic legislature about to convene in 1871, BuUock resigned and fled to New York...


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pp. 267-268
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