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BOOK REVIEWS53 than of the white population. Nevertheless, among his conclusions are these: during the nineteenth century, preference for pork became a distinctive feature of Southern culture, and as a food item, it completely overshadowed all others; chitterlings and oppossums were relished by whites as well as blacks; corn bread was more widely used than hominy and grits. There is a great deal of fascinating information in this book, yet one has mixed feelings about it. The author has certainly done a great deal more research than previous writers who have been concerned with Southern self-sufficiency in food. His findings seem to lend support to the conjectures of the Owsley or Vanderbilt school of a generation ago. But this assumes that the author's statistical method is sound and that the intraregional trade network was effective in moving sufficient quantities of food from one Southern region to another. On this latter point, the author is highly speculative. Unfortunately, the book is not carefully written. There are numerous misspellings, sources are lacking for the charts dealing with the New Orleans and Mobile trade in foodstuffs, some of the tables and maps are difficult to interpret, and at least one footnote bears no relation to the information contained in the text. The title of the work is somewhat misleading. The author is concerned only with the new cotton kingdom, excluding Kentucky, Virginia, Florida, and Texas. Richard L. Troutman Western Kentucky University Banks Or No Banks: The Money Issue in Western Politics, 1832-1865. By William Gerald Shade. (Detroit: Wayne State University Press, 1972. Pp. 329. $15.95.) Scholars have typically viewed the "money question" in economic and political terms as an issue between "haves" and "have nots" or their partisan leaders. Urwin Unger in The Greenback Era (1964) shifted the focus to the symbolic significance of banks and hard money as a sociocultural expression of Yankee-Protestant morality in the postCivil War years. William Shade, professor of history at Lehigh University , has now provided a backward linkage for this symbolism into the antebellum decades by tracing the political debate on the question of "banks or no banks" from 1832 until 1865 in the Old Northwest. Drawing upon several dozen manuscript collections and newspapers, plus numerous contemporary publications, Shade recounts the conflict over bank charters and laws in legislative halls, constitutional conventions , and campaign trails in each of the five states. Unlike Unger, who surveyed attitudes toward government monetary policy by many opinion makers, including clergymen, Shade concentrates solely on the political dimension of the bank issue, assuming that politics mirrors deeper value conflicts within society. In this per- 54CIVIL WAR HISTORY spective the political fight over banks becomes an expression of a broader ethnocultural struggle between antagonistic subcultures. Thus, Shade portrays the pro-bank, "commercial-minded" Whigs and Republicans as energetic Yankee Protestants who sought to remold society in their own image of commercialism and personal piety. On the other hand, the anti-bank, "agrarian-minded" Democrats—"the Irish Catholic, the German, and the upland Southerner"—were the threatened ones for whom banks "symbolized their declining status and threatened the maintenance of their way of life" (p. 174). Readers familiar with the literature of the behavioral approach to political analysis will note that Shade has scuttled the fairly sophisticated sociological and ethnoreligious theories of voting behavior developed by Benson, Kleppner, Jensen, Formisano, and others, in favor of Hofstadter's simplistic and overworked status revolution theory that has largely become passé. Recent studies reveal that nineteenthcentury voters tended to rank along a liturgical-pietistic continuum, with the Democrats drawn more from the liturgicals and the WhigRepublicans from the pietists. A group's location along this religious continuum, it would seem, derived more from a theological and ideological perspective than from declining social status or threatened selfinterest . If Shade had studied the sermons and pamphlets of ethnic, Southern, and Yankee clerics, he might have unraveled the theological rationale behind the stance of these groups on the bank question. Professor Shade's statistical analysis of legislative roll calls and popular voting behavior is quite sophisticated—multiple factor analysis and Guttman scale analysis—but this too suffers from a limited application. Of the five states...

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