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A SHORT HISTORY OF POMP'AE: KOREAN BUDDHIST RITUAL CHANT ---------------------by Byong Won Lee Pömp'ae ß??. Buddhist Ritual Chant), according to Chinese records, was originated by Ts'ao Chih (WtI 192-232) of China in the third century.1 The word itself corresponds to the Chinese Fanpai and Japanese Bombai, and is derived from the Sanskrit Brahma bhan (Sacred Chanting).2 The main purpose was to create a Chinese Buddhist ritual chant from Sanskrit songs. The entire Pömp'ae text was based on existing Chinese poetry forms.3 On the other hand, some of the Sanskrit Sutras maintained their characteristic chanting style and remain intact today. A number of pieces ofthe same title, text, and ritual procedure are found in Japan and Korea. This indicates that the Chinese style Pömp'ae was transmitted into both countries, and provides a certain relationship ofearly Buddhist chant between Japan and Korea. 1.Kim Tong-uk, Han'guk Kayom Yön'gu, "Studies on Ancient Songs ofKorea." (Seoul: Ulyu Munhwa-sa, 1961), p. 10. 2.John Levy, jacket notes for Musique Bouddhique de Corée (Musée de l'Homme LVLX 253). 3.Kim, op. cit. 109 110/Lee The introduction of Pömp'ae in Korea presumably accompanied Buddhism , although there is no definite document for such an assumption. In historical documents, Korean Buddhism can be traced back some sixteen hundred years to the so-called Three Kingdoms Period—Koguryö (37 B.C. —668), Paekche (18 B.C.—660), and Silla (57 B.C.—935). Buddhism came to Koguryö in 372 and Paekche in 384. Silla accepted Buddhism in 528 as the officially favored religion. There are too few historical remains of Buddhist music in Koguryö and Paekche to presume to identify it. But there is at least some evidence that a certain form ofBuddhist chant was performedin Koguryö. According to Nan Ts'i-chou, in 487, the Prince of Koguryö invited some celebrated priests to his court to discuss Buddhism and to elaborate on new sounds for the chanting of sacred texts.4 Paekche played a positive role in the transmission of Buddhism and Chinese culture to Japan. In 552 Paekche sent a number ofvolumes of Sutras with other Buddhist goods to Japan.5 Also, Nihon Shoki (HYlIfB Chronicles ofJapan) recordsthatMimashi ofPaekche emigrated to Japan in 612 and taught Gigaku (föM Mask-dance-drama) which he learned from the Wu Dynasty of South China.6 In Korea, the remnants of the mask-dance-drama may be found in Talch'um (<£·§· lit. 'Mask dance'). Japanese Gigaku and Korean Talch'um are similar in that they both derive from Buddhist stories. Similarities of characters between them have been demonstrated in Professor Lee Hye-ku's study, "Relation Between San Dae Gük (Korean Mask Play) and Japanese Kuregaku" in his book Studies in Korean Music.1 Although there is no historical evidence of a Pomp'ae performance in the earlier stages of Buddhism in Korea, elaborate rituals flourished in the temples with the encouragement ofthe court. Starting with the year 571, Paekchwa (WSE),8 a Buddhist rite, and P'algwan-hoe (Aif),s a syncretic rite 4.Hobogirin, Dictionnaire Encyclopédique du Bouddhisme d'après les sources chinoises et japonaises (Tokyo: Maison Franco-japonaise, 1929), p. 97. 5.Nihon Shoki, Book XIX, 13th year, Kimmei Tennô (A.D. 552). 6.Ibid., Book XXII, 20th year, Suiko Termo (A.D. 612). 7.Lee Hye-ku, Han'guk Umak Yön'gu, "Studies in Korean Music" (Seoul: Kungmin Umak Yon'gu-hoe, 1957), pp. 225-36. 8.Paekchwa is a pure Buddhist ritual which is not incorporated with other types of rituals such as Taoistic and Shamanistic rituals. 9.P'algwan-hoe, compared to Paekchwa, included some other ritual characters in its ritual procedure. This is a festival-like ritual which was carried on throughout Buddhist Chant/llL incorporating Shamanism and Buddhism, were fostered by Silla's King Chinhüng (r. 540-575).10 According to the Samguk Sagi (???^?. Historical Records of the Three Kingdoms) in 571 when priest He Ryang of Koguryö emigrated to Silla, King Chinhüng rendered a Paekchwa and P'algwan-hoe in honor of his coming . It was the first large Buddhist ritual in Silla.11 Such rites were given frequently throughout the Silla Dynasty. Probably, Koguryö, which had adopted Buddhism two centuries earlier than Silla, had been performing wellorganized Buddhist rituals before Silla. Approximately two centuries after He Ryang's record, priest Wôlmyông's legendary story of 760 tells us that he only knew Hyangga (M1IsK lit. 'Native Songs')12 and was not familiar with Buddhist chant.13 This may indicate that Buddhist chant was sung by a certain category ofpriests who were specialized in Buddhist ritual chant during this period. From the above-mentioned records , only vague knowledge of the existence of Buddhist music is obtained. Direct sources of Pömp'ae mostly derive from the so-called Unified Silla Kingdom beginning with the second half of the 7th century.14 Silla's unification of the Korean peninsula was accomplished with military aid from the T'ang Dynasty (618-907) of China. Thereafter, Unified Silla developed a culture modelled after that of T'ang, and the establishment of an advanced Buddhist culture was supported and encouraged by the Silla court. There theKoryö Dynasty (918-1392). Its ritual procedure and character slightly changed, incorporating with other religions. 10.Lee Núng-hwa, Chosön Pulgyo T'ongsa, "History of Korean Buddhism." Vol. I (2nd ed., Seoul: Kyônghi Ch'ulp'an-sa, 1968), p. 52. 11.Ibid. 12.Hyangga, lit. 'Native Songs,' a chanted poetry form, appeared some time after the unification of the Korean peninsula by the Silla Kingdom. It was new in the respect that these poems—which had previously been an oral tradition—were written with Chinese characters adapted to Korean pronunciation. The Chinese characters were then the only means of writing. It was mostly recorded and chanted by Buddhist priests, men of the highest cultural class at Buddhist festivities. However , it does not have strict function as Buddhist ritual chant, although some of the compositions contain Buddhistic elements in their texts. Twenty-five Hyangga remain today. 13.Samguk Yusa, "Remnants from the Three Kingdoms," Vol. V, Section in Wölmyöng-sa Tosolga, 13th century compilation by priest Il Yon. 14.Silla unified Paekche in 660 and Koguryö in 668. 112/Lee was a Silla settlement in the Shantung Province of China, where a number of temples were built after Silla models. Within this general period, Pömp'ae has been traced back to at least the mid-9th Century. The most comprehensive source for early Buddhist rituals and for Pömp'ae is Nitto guhöjunrei gyöki (???^?ß??t?? Diary of a Pilgrimage to T'ang in Search ofthe Law)15 written between the years 838 and 847, by a Japanese priest Ennin (Ht 793-846). In his account, Ennin noted three Buddhist temple rituals in the Korean cloister, including some specific titles ??Pömp'ae with general descriptions of the musical style.16 After Ennin returned to Japan, he originated Tendai Shömyö (^-^SM Buddhist chant of the Tendal Sect), one of the oldest Buddhist chants in Japan. Its early style was mainly based on the Chinese Buddhist chant.17 According to Ennin, three different styles oí Pömp'ae were performed in Korean temples of Shantung; a Silla style, a T'ang Chinese style, and a style similar to that practiced in Japan.18 It seems therefore that the originally Chinese Pömp'ae was being Koreanized and Japanized without any crossinfluences between Japan and Korea, and was simultaneously maintaining some characteristics of Chinese identity. Professor Lee, in his study "History ?? Pömp'ae", assumes that the T'ang style ?? Pömp'ae was a new type which appeared during the T'ang Dynasty, and that the similar Japanese style was the older Pömp'ae which was transmitted to Japan via Korea before the T'ang Dynasty.19 Some of the Pömp'ae titles and texts used in Korean temples of Shantung correspond to Japanese Buddhist rituals still in use today. For instance, Butsumyö ({$% lit. Name of Buddha),20 Ungabai (5;M5R), Eköshi 15.Ennin, Nittö guhö junrei gyöki, reprinted in the Zoku zoku gunsho ruijn (Tokyo: Kokusho Kanko-kai, 1907), XII, pp. 165-258; also translated from Chinese and Japanese by Edwin O. Reischauer, Ennin's Diary: The Record of a Pilgrimage to China in Search ofthe Law (New York: Ronald, 1955), 454 pp. 16.For details see Ennin, Nittö guhö junrei gyöki in the Zoku zoku gunsho ruiju, pp. 198-9. 17.Tendai Shömyö, brochure for Tendai Shömyö (Polydor SMN 9001-4), p. 8. 18.Ennin, op. cit., p. 198. 19.See Lee Hye-ku, Han'guk Umak Sösöl, "Topics in Korean Music." (Seoul: Seoul National University Press, 1967), p. 341. 20.Butsumyö literally means 'Name of Buddha,' but in Ennin's diary it indicates a specific title of Buddhist chant. Reischauer, in his translation, used this term as the name of Buddha. Butsumyö is still in use as one of the Buddhist chants in Japan and Korea (Pulmyöng corresponds to Butsumyö). But see Edwin O. Reischauer, Buddhist Chant/113 u[p]=ïï])21, Sanrei (???), Nyoraïbai (inJ0ß), and Hatsugan (Hü) all of which appear in Ennin's record together with a discussion of their musical styles, seem to match present day Japanese Buddhist performances,22 though it is not possible to determine whether the melodic lines correspond. In addition, the Japanese Shömyö went through a pronounced Japonizing stage between the end of the Heian and the early Kamakura periods of the 12th century.23 Therefore, it is difficult to make a comparative study between present day Korean Pömp'ae and present day Japanese Shömyö. In spite of these later complications, we accept Ennin's observations that during the 9th century Buddhist rituals in Korea and Japan had similar procedures and shared a repertoire of ritual chant. The contents of early Japanese Buddhist rituals recorded in Tödaiji Yöroku (j€±^fIIü Important Records of Todai Temple) show no significant differences from the Korean Buddhist rituals described by Ennin, and the procedures of today's Korean rituals are quite similar to Ennin's record.24 At the time of Ennin's pilgrimage to China, Pömp'ae were popular in Korea, as another source shows. According to the inscription on the monument in memory ofpriest Chin'gam Guksa, he had been to T'ang in 804 and returned in 830. After his return he taught Pömp'ae in Ssangye Temple, a temple in southeast Korea. His Pömp'ae teaching was received with enthusiasm by the priests, and the lecture-hall was filled to capacity with students.25 This inscription describing the musical style of Pömp'ae more or less agrees with Ennin's observations. Although the extant records of Pömp'ae go back only as far as Silla times, it is probable that Sinicized Buddhist chant predominated during the early stages of Buddhism in Korea. While both Korea and Japan searched for the law ofBuddhism via China, they show stylistic differences of Buddhist chant. Both countries adopted Chinese Buddhist chant in the beginning stage, and Ennin's Diary: The Record ofa Pilgrimage to China in Search ofthe Law, p. 154. 21.Reischauer states in footnote 614 of his translation, Ennin's Diary. . . . , p. 153 that Ekömon (here used as Eköshi) are hymns or prayers chanted at the end of a service to bring the benefits derived from the service to others. This term corresponds to Korean Hoehyangsa, the function of which is quite similar. 22.Many of the repertoires of Pömp'ae recorded in Ennin's diary appear in today's Japanese Buddhist rituals. 23.Tendai Shömyö, op. cit., pp. 3-4. 24.See Tödaiji Yöroku in the Zoku zoku gunsho ruiju, Vol. IX, pp. 163-180. 25 Lee Hye-ku, Han'guk Umak Sosol, p. 339. 114/Lee progressively modified the style to fit their own tastes. After the Korean peninsula was again unified by the Koryô Dynasty (918-1392), the royal interest in Buddhism and its ritual practice went beyond that of previous dynasties. This emphasis on Buddhism was clearly stated in the Ten Injunctions ofKing T'aejo (r. 918-943), the first king ofthe Dynasty.26 Most of the successors in the Koryô Dynasty proved equally ardent in their patronage of the Buddhist temple, and the temple provided rituals for the court.27 From the outset, kingdom-wide, various Buddhist rituals took place annually. The government-sponsored festivals such as Yöndüng-hoe and P'algwanhoe took place in February and November, respectively, of the lunar calendar . These rituals were a continuation of Silla festivals. In T'aejo's reference to Yöndüng-hoe as a Buddhist ritual and P'algwan-hoe as Shamanistic worship ,28 he probably attempted to maintain the old traditional rituals along with Buddhist rites. Both are seemingly more sophisticated and stylized rituals than those of the Silla Dynasty. There is little difference between Yönd üng-hoe and P'algwan-hoe, especially since the latter incorporated many Buddhistic elements from the early Koryô Dynasty. Such kingdom-wide Buddhist festivals record the gathering of ten to twenty thousand priests from everywhere. In sections of the Yöndüng-hoe and the P'algwan-hoe in Koryö-sa (MWt$L Koryô Dynastic History) the Mask-dance-drama is included as an entertaining part of the festival.29 This indicates that the Mask-dance-drama, which had been introduced into Paekche from South China,30 was related to Buddhist festive observance and its tradition was handed down in Koryô. In spite of the fact that many of the rituals took place almost every year throughout the Koryô Dynasty, the Dynastic History does not speak of 26.T'aejo's Ten Injunctions appear in Chöng In-ji's 1395 compilation, Koryö-sa, "History of Koryô," 26th year, T'aejo (A.D. 943). 27.Edwin O. Reischauer and John K. Fairbank, East Asia: The Great Tradition (Boston: Houghton Mifflin, 1958), p. 426. 28.The First Article of Ten Injunctions. 29.See the Sections of the Sangwön Yöndüng-hoe and Chung-dong P'algwan-hoe in the Koryö-sa. 30.See Page 110 of this article. Buddhist Chant/115 Pömp'ae. Very few documents dating from this dynasty mention Pömp'ae,. and none of them provides any specific information as to its style or usage. The lack of documentation on Koryö's Pömp'ae makes it difficult to trace a continuous tradition. In comparison with the following Yi Dynasty (13921910 ), the transmission of Koryô is also scant. Buddhism was officially rejected by the Yi Dynasty, and the ritual music went into a gradual decline. Later, there were some noticeable efforts toreconstruct a Buddhist ritual within the court, especially by the fourth king, Sejong (r. 1418-1450), and the seventh king, Sejo (r. 1455-1468). King Sejong encouraged composition of classical songs with Buddhistic titles and contents.31 Also, the invention of the Korean alphabet during his reign probably contributed to the propagation of Buddhism by translating the scriptures from the Chinese text and composing new hymns which could easily be understood by the common people. King Sejong held a Kyongch'anhoe (HÜ# Rite ofPraise), a counterpart of Koryö's royal Buddhist rituals. Court ritual activities ofthe Koryô and Yi Dynasties are more or less similar. Nonetheless, a perusal of the Yijo Sillok (ßMf.% Yi Dynasty Annals) shows that Buddhist traditions were being forgotten in the court. One passage in the Yi Dynasty Annals reads : "... Attendance for the day of Rite of Praise reached seven to eight hundred in number. . . New pieces ofmusic were composed, new string and wind instruments were made in preparation for the rite, and a new system of theory for instrument making was adopted. Fifty musicians and ten dancers rehearsed before the Buddhist ritual. It was the so-called UmsöngKongyang (i=f5i#Ç5É Sung Mass). The sound of bells, 'Pomp'ae'chanting, strings, and bamboo instruments were heard in the large hall. . . "32 This statement shows a tremendous decrease of participants in comparison with the gala festivals ofKoryö. Also, it seems that Buddhist rituals had fallen into disuse because new instruments and a new theoretical system of music had to be especially made for this occasion. A similar record of the rite is also found in the Annals covering King Sejo's reign: "Chöngyöng-böp (J$g£££ Rite of Sutra Transmission) was held during the reign of Sejo. It is an old tradition ofKoryö. . . The sound offlutes, drums, 31.Takahashi Toni, Richö Bukkyö, "Buddhism of the Yi Dynasty." (Tokyo: Hobun-kan, 1929), p. 122. 32.Takahashi, op. cit., p. 158. 116/Lee and 'Pömp'ae' chanting echoed in the air. . . "33 The above two records are valuable in that they indicate that Pömp'ae was performed in the early Yi Dynasty. One of the primary motivations for performing the Buddhist rituals during the Yi Dynasty was an attempt to reconstruct the Koryö rituals. We may conclude that it is for this reason that we find Pömp'ae performed in the Yi Dynasty. They found it difficult to abandon a tradition which had its roots so deep. One of the significant accomplishments of Sejo (r. 1455-1468) was to compose the Yöngsan Hoesang (fiiU^ffl Mass in the Spiritual Mt.) an extant piece of Buddhist-influenced native Korean court music including instruments and Buddhist text for voice.34 This monumental work has remained in today's native court music repertoire in the form of instrumental music.35 Fortunately, both text and music are preserved in the 18th century musical score Taeak Hubo (±WéM Scores of Great Music: Collection II).36 The text of Yöngsan Hoesang contained in Taeak Hubo consists ofseven syllables : Yong san hoe sangpul ?o sal (8lU#ffi#^P) which is a common scripture text for Pömp'ae. Takahashi, in his book Richö Bukkyö, also suggests that the Pömp'ae tradition fell into a period of gradual decline in the Yi Dynasty.37 The performance ofPömp'ae and ritual dance remained popular only in the Seoul area. There seems to have been a few different schools of Pömp'ae since the 1 5th century. Priest Taehwi Hwasang's Pömüm Chongbo (%i=ftkIIí Genealogy of the Transmission ?? Pömp'ae), written in 1748, presents a historical transmission ??Pömp'ae from the early 15th century to the mid-18th century. From the genealogy we can only obtain the names oíPömp'ae musicians and their regional distribution between the 15th and 18th centuries. No specific -dates of individual singers are provided. The genealogy included in Pömüm 33.Song Hyön, op. cit., pp. 50-51. 34.Chungjong Annals, Vol. 32, p. 43. 35.Three different versions of this composition are performed in the present court music repertoire : Yöngsan Hoesang for Stringed Instruments, Yöngsan Hoesang for Wind Instruments and P'yöngjo Hoesang. None of these compositions retain the texts. 36.The composition of Yöngsan Hoesang is contained in Taeak Hubo, Vol. VI3 pp. 43-6. Compiled by So Myöng-yong in 1759. There were just 2 collections of scores each containing different works. Collection I has been lost. 37.Takahashi, op. cit., p. 799. Buddhist Chant/117 Table I: Genealogy of Pömp'ae Between 15th and 18th Century XUK-YUNG IJNG-JTJN HYE-UN ch'on-'hwi yön-chongsang -hwan SÖL-HO PÖP-MIN -HYE-GAM TO-IN -taekwangsa Sunch 'ön KAK-SON -hwaömsa Kure JAE-BANG -sónamsa Sunch'ön YON-KI -kúmt'amsa kohünggun -songch'önsa hwaömsa -sönamsa t'aeansa -taekwangsa- -panggasa -junghüngsa -pulhapsa -paekch'önsa -hungguksa kwanümsa -hönkwansa -kaehúngsa -ch'öngamsa -sönamsa t'aeansa -hwaömsa -KYE-HWAN hwa ömsa -t'aeansa -songkwangsa taebüngsa -pagönsa -söngpulsa -kúmhapsa -kaehúngsa -kwanúmsa -taehüngsa -jönghyesa -sónamsa -hüngguksa -hwaömsa -ponggönsa -ssanggyesa -songkwangsa -panggasa -ssanggyesa -taehüngsa -okch'önsa -songch'önsa -torimsa -kamrosa .HONG-MAE s ön'guksa -hwaömsa -ot'apsa -songkwangsa -torimsa -jiguksa hwaömsa -kamrosa YUNG-HAK -sönamsa Sunch'ön CH'E-UN -hüngguksa P'yöngyang SI-MYÖNG -mihwangsa Y öngam -Songkwangsa -Sanghwasa 118/Lee -P'UNG-JE düngkwangsa Nakan -SI-JIN düngkwangsa Nakan -pongkapsa -saech'önsa -ssangbongsa -kaehúngsa -dúngkwangsa -TAE-HWI porimsa Janghúng -CH'UK-CH'AL taehúngsa Haenam -CH'AN-O pulhoesa Namp'yönggun -CH'AE'-CH'ÖNG yöunsa -pongnimsa -ssanggyesa -mihwangsa -manyönsa -ch'önkwansc -pöpch'önsa -suinsa -ümmasa -kaech'önsa Note: Words in capitals are names of monks, Words in lower case type: are names of temples. Words with only the initial letter capitalized are places where the temples are located. Buddhist Chant/119 Chongbo is organized as shown in Table I. According to this genealogical table, Pömp'ae spread widely after the priest Hyegam. Apparently the major area of transmission was the South-western region of Korea. It may have been from this period that the so-called Southern style of Pömp'ae began to be distinguished from the Central style. The two musical styles oíPömp'ae— South and Central—are said to be quite different today.38 Singan CKaekpo Pömüm-jip^^MW^MM: Pömp'ae Collection: Enlarged Edition) was published thirty-five years earlier than the Pömüm Chongbo. This collection includes names of some Pömp'ae musicians as well as information on ritual procedures of the times. Professor Lee suggests that the Pömp'ae as performed today could be the same tradition, by comparing the sequences in the 18th century Yöngsan Hoesang Chakpöp (SilJ'É'tBfFiS Order of Worship for the Yongsan-hoe) with the same ritual contained in Söngmun Uibom (????? Exemplar of Buddhist Rituals) published in 1955.39 As time passed, the disuse oí Pömp'ae was inevitable. By the 1820's a perfect exemplar of rituals was hardly available. To further complicate transmission ofthe chant, priests were forgetting the correct intonation ofthe Chinese texts.40 Takahashi notes only a handful oíPömp'ae musicians in the 1850's.41 By the mid-19th century, Pömp'ae and Buddhist ritual dance were secularized and performed atbanquets for high-ranking officials. Accordingly, the social status of Pömp'ae musicians and ritual dancers associated with these performances corresponded with that of professional kisaeng (^^ entertaining girls). Buddhist ritual dance also was adopted by professional entertainers for their own purposes.42 A remnant of Buddhist ritual dance is maintained in the realm of present day Korean folk dances. The decreasing popularity of Buddhism by a certain degree of political pressure and the establishment of Confucianism paralleled the rise of other cultural manifestations of ritual performances. Musical performance in general in the Buddhist temple was confronted by another obstacle in the early 20th century. In 1911, one year after the Japanese annexation of Korea, the Japanese Government General in Korea promulgated the Law Governing Buddhist Temples which prohibited the 38.In conversation with Yu Ch'ang-yöl. 39.Lee Hye-ku, Han'guk Ümak Sösöl, p. 344. 40.Ibid. 41.See Takahashi, op. cit., p. 804. 42.Ibid., pp. 903-4. 120/Lee performance of ritual music and dance in the temple.43 Thereafter, priests who had specialized in Pömp'ae and ritual dance began to neglect such practices and left the temples.44 Most of the Buddhist rituals were simplified and Pömp'ae texts were merely recited, ignoring their complex musical style. Nevertheless, even under such political pressure, a few determined priests tried to preserve the strict traditional performances. They have been successful to this date. A recent genealogy oí Pömp'ae musicians, named in Takahashi and Lee Hye-ku's books45 is given in Table II. Nam Pyök-hae, Kim Un-gong, Yu Ch'ang-yöl, Pak Song-am, and Pak Un-wôl are well-known Pömp'ae musicians who have engaged in Buddhist rituals in the Seoul area until the last decade. Now most of them are aged and a few have passed away. The ones who remain are forgetting the tradition. Most have married and continued in the priesthood, and a few have become laymen. It is fortunate for the survival of Pömp'ae that even after they have become laymen, they are often invited to the temple to perform chants and dances, and to consult regarding rituals. Pömp'ae priests gravitate to the major temples in or near Seoul, where they are frequently requested for the arrangement of various rituals. Today, elaborate Buddhist rituals including Pömp'ae and ritual dance usually take place in a certain few temples staffed by married priests. It is interesting that such rituals are carried out by temples staffed by married priests while unmarried-priests emphasize formal lectures and meditations, with most ofthe scriptures recited in a simple manner. But the social status of a priest is not an absolute governing factor in the functions a priest may perform in a temple. Major temples which carry on the traditional rituals are Pongwôn Temple, Paekryon Temple, Anjang Temple, and Yönghwa Temple. These temples are located in Seoul and are financially well-off in comparison to other temples. The income from ritual activities is a noticeable part of the financial support of the temple. Families of priests form small communities around temples. Lately, Buddhist scholars and the Korean government itself have realized the importance of preserving this old tradition. Since 1969 the government 43.Actual enforcement of prohibition of ritual music and dance began from 1912. 44.Lee Nüng-hwa, Chöson Pulgyo T'ongsa, pp. 1014-5; Takahashi, Richo Bukkyo, pp. 804-5. 45.Takahashi, ibid., p. 804; Lee Hye-ku, Han'guk Umak Sösöl, 346-8. Buddhist Chant/121 has been encouraging priests by giving substantial support to the preservation of traditional Buddhist performance. The priests, on their part, responded by opening an O-hoe ,(%M Class for Pömp'ae Instruction) at Pongwön Temple during June and July of 1969. This was one of the rare o-hoe to be held in several decades. Lecturers were invited from other temples. In this Pömp'ae class there were more than fifty people in attendance everyday. Most of them were young priests from various temples. Their ordinary day began with four hours of vigorous voice exercises from four o'clock in the morning to breakfast time at eight. Intensive study was interrupted only by the three meal times. This could be the beginning of a revival in which the long historical tradition oí Pömp'ae may find new expression in the culture of Korea. Table II: Genealogy of Pömp'ae Musicians after 1900. -P'yo küm-un —Tong-hwa Tong Man-wôl— So Man-Wöl- -Wan-dam Chön U-uni -Ch'uk-son= -Tue-wönl -Pak Un-wôl —Kim Un-gong -Yi Böm-ho----Yu Ch'ang-yôl —Man-ho -Wöl-ha--------Nam Pyök-hae—Pak Song-am -Kim Un-je ...

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