War Frenzy

WAR FRENZY Sunera Thobani October 12, 2001 My recent speech at a women's conference on violence against women has generated much controversy. In the aftermath ofthe terrible attacks ofSeptember 11, 1 argued that the U.S. response oflaunching "America's new war" would increase violence against women. I situated the current crisis within the continuity ofNorth/South relations, rooted in colonialism and imperialism. I criticized American foreign policy, as well as President Bush's racialized construction ofthe American nation. Finally, I spoke ofthe need for solidarity with Afghan women's organizations as well as the urgent necessity for the women's movement in Canada to oppose the war. Decontextualized and distorted media reports ofmy address have led to accusations ofme being an academic impostor, morally bankrupt and engaging in hate-mongering. It has been fascinating to observe how my comments regardingAmerican foreign policy, a record well documented by numerous sources whose accuracy or credentials cannot be faulted, have been dubbed "hate-speech." To speak about the indisputable record of U.S.-backed coups, death squads, bombings, and killings ironically makes me a "hate-monger." I was even made the subject of a "hatecrime " complaint to the Royal Canadian Mounted Police (rcmp), alleging that my speech was a "hate-crime." Despite the virulence of these responses, I welcome the public discussion my speech has generated as an opportunity to further the public debate about Canada's support of America's new war. When I made the speech, I believed itwas imperative to have this debate before any attacks were launched on any country. Events have overtaken us with the bombing ofAfghanistan underwayand military rule having again been declared in Pakistan in the recent past. The need for this discussion has now assumed greater urgency as reports of casualties are making their way into the news. My speech at the women's conference was aimed at mobilizing the women's movement [Meridians:feminism, race, transnationalism 2002, vol. 2, no. 2, pp. 289-97)©2002 by Wesleyan University Press. All rights reserved. 289 against this war. I am now glad for this opportunity to address wider constituencies and in different forums. First, however, a few words about my location: I place my work within the tradition of radical, politically engaged scholarship. I have always rejected the politics of academic elitism which insist that academics should remain above the fray of political activism and use only disembodied , objectified language and a "properly" dispassionate professorial demeanor to establish our intellectual credentials. My work is grounded in the politics, practices, and languages of the various communities I come from, and the social justice movements to which I am committed. On American Foreign Policy In the aftermath ofthe terrible September n attacks on the World Trade Center and the Pentagon, the Bush administration launched "America's War on Terrorism." Eschewing any role for the United Nations and the need to abide by international law, the U.S. administration initiated an international alliance to justify its unilateral military action against Afghanistan. One of its early coalition partners was the Canadian governmentwhich committed its unequivocal support forwhatever forms of assistance the United States might request. In this circumstance, it is entirely reasonable that people in Canada examine carefully the record of American foreign policy. As I observed in my speech, this record is alarmingand does notinspire confidence. In Chile, the CIA-backed coup against the democratically elected Allende government led to the deaths ofover 30,000 people. In El Salvador, the U.S.-backed regime used death squads to kill about 75,000 people. In Nicaragua, the U.S.-sponsored terrorist Contra war led to the deaths of over 30,000 people. The initial bombing of Iraq left over 200,000 dead, and the bombings have continued for the last ten years. Unicef estimates that over one million Iraqis have died, and that 5,000 more die every month as a result ofthe UN-imposed sanctions, enforced in their harshest form by U.S. power. The list does not stop here. 150,000 were killed and 50,000 disappeared in Guatemala after the 1954 CIAsponsored coup; over two million were killed in Vietnam; and 200,000 before that...