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Reviewed by:
  • Staley: The Fight for a New American Labor Movement
  • Gary L. Bailey
Staley: The Fight for a New American Labor Movement. By Steven K. Ashby and C. J. Hawking. Urbana, IL: University of Illinois Press, 2009. 232 pp. Hardbound, $75.00; Softbound, $25.00.

Decatur, Illinois—"Strike City" to the media—saw some of the most significant labor disputes of the 1990s. Strikes at Caterpillar Equipment and Bridgestone/Firestone Tires and a lockout at the A.E. Staley Manufacturing Company put thousands of workers in the streets and attracted national attention. Local union members came up with their own name for the city—the War Zone—that reflected their understanding that the Decatur conflicts were on the cutting edge of a larger battle between corporations intent on destroying the power of unions to resist policies designed to maximize profits and workers seeking to maintain a decent standard of living and a reasonable level of dignity and safety on the job.

The authors make clear their goal, to "tell the workers' story through their own voices," especially to union activists and to readers who are concerned with workers' rights but do not have much knowledge of unions (ix-x). They also make clear their own perspectives: members of a Staley solidarity support group in Chicago, both were directly involved in activities in Decatur, and one moved to Decatur for several months to work as a volunteer organizer. As such, they make no claim to impartiality. [End Page 80]

Staley was established in 1909 as a producer of cornstarch. The family-controlled company was known as a good employer. Management grudgingly accepted the 1943 organization of Local 837 of the United Auto Workers/American Federation of Labor (AFL) (later the Allied Industrial Workers), and overall labor relations were good until the 1970s. An unsuccessful 1970 strike left a legacy of bitterness, as did safety concerns as the company relied increasingly on chemicals, some toxic, to speed up production. In the 1980s, deskilling raised more safety concerns and led to dramatic changes in work rules. Even worse, in 1988 a British conglomerate purchased the company. It soon became clear that the new owners intended to break the union, radically reshape the work process, and dramatically cut compensation and benefits. Worst of all, workers knew that Staley itself made money and contributed to the parent company's overall (substantial) profits.

When union leaders realized that the company intended to provoke a strike at contract expiration in 1992, they prepared members for action and contracted with Corporate Campaign, an organization that worked with unions to create financial and public relations campaigns against hostile employers. Workers rejected the company's draconian contract proposal in 1992 but stayed on the job, starting a work-to-rule campaign. After the company harassed workers, fired some activists, and implemented a schedule with twelve-hour rotating shifts, the union called a brief walkout in June 1993 based on safety issues. The company locked them out, operating the plant with supervisors and replacement workers.

The ensuing struggle mirrored many of those in the 1980s and 1990s. What makes the Staley lockout so important was the creativity and effectiveness with which the union carried out its campaign. Support groups formed in several cities, speakers ("Road Warriors") were sent across the region to drum up support, and many creative and effective local actions were staged. The Corporate Campaign convinced one major Staley customer, Miller Brewing, to withdraw its business, and late in the lockout Pepsi appeared ready to follow suit.

However, Local 837 faced substantial obstacles. One faction always regarded the battle as a lost cause, advocating acceptance of the company's offer. The national union did not support its militant local, and the situation worsened when it merged with the United Paper Workers International Union. AFL-Congress of Industrial Organizations (CIO) leaders were indifferent. As the lockout dragged on, members drifted away and found other jobs, and the economic and emotional stress on the remaining activists steadily increased. Still, even late in 1995 many were hopeful: the Corporate Campaign seemed poised to cost Staley another major customer, and the newly elected national leadership of the AFL-CIO promised assistance. Neither...

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