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Book Reviews119 at the Friday Bible readings. These readings came to be viewed by many as inexcusable exploitation of a captive audience for purposes of Quaker, or at least non-Anglican, Christian indoctrination. An interesting minor theme is the author's contention that Elizabeth Fry found in prison administration an aspect of masculine-dominated society which was being badly mismanaged and where, by Ladies' Committee visitation, women could take things in hand in a public way rarely possible in early nineteenth -century England. That male resentment of feminine meddling played a part in the eventual official rejection of Elizabeth Fry's approach to prison problems seems highly likely. But the whole analysis of her "impulse. . . to challenge the prejudices of a masculine superiority" would be seen in better balance against the long history of Quaker women ministers who had traveled to far parts to express religious and social concerns to persons in positions of responsibility. Kent is also anxious to make clear that he is not committed to the theological presupposition of his subject's Quaker position, that he has an enlightened "psychological" view of things. What else is clarified by the following : "Of the extent to which the whole experience might be subjective, the product of inner, psychological factors over which she had no control, she was unaware" (p.19)? The major limitation in this volume, and it is a grave one, is that the author has not used the wealth of original sources (letters and the transcript of Elizabeth Fry's complete journal) which are available in London, in Friends House and in the British Museum. It is regrettable that a study so fresh and intelligent as this one did not draw on this magnificent mine of material instead of depending so heavily upon the Memoir of Elizabeth Fry, edited by her daughters and published in 1847. Had these resources been used, several matters could have been more adequately presented; e.g., the flesh-and-blood reality of an Evangelical 's experience; the real horror of American feminists shared by Elizabeth Fry and Joseph John Gurney; and Elizabeth Fry's relationship with Joseph Fry before and during their married life (I doubt that his bankruptcy, shattering as it was to her pride, was the occasion of so decisive a loss of respect for her husband). All in all, this is a thought-provoking book. It reminds us of the condescension and pride which are ever ready to insinuate themselves into activity prompted by compassion for suffering or sense of outrage against injustice. It reminds us of the sharp limits in the effectiveness of exposés of bad conditions in hospitals, reformatories, or prisons. And we are reminded that volunteer work by outsiders brings only temporary improvement except where regular staff and policy-controlling boards are intelligent and energetic. Wesleyan UniversityDavid E. Swift A. Mitchell Palmer: Politician. By Stanley Coben. New York: Columbia University Press. 1963. xiii, 351 pages. Illustrations. $7.50. Readers of this definitive political biography of Alexander Mitchell Palmer may be taken aback to learn that Palmer made his start in politics as a reform Democrat, a staunch friend of labor, the leading congressional proponent of 120Quaker History national child-labor legislation, and a thorn in the flesh of Bethlehem Steel, the industrial giant of the area Palmer represented in Congress for three terms (1909-1915). He was Wilson's wheelhorse in the House during the first half of that President's first term, and, through his oratory and shrewd maneuvering, deserved much credit for the passage of such "New Freedom" legislation as was adopted. According to the author, it was Palmer's progressivism (particularly his opposition to high tariffs) that did him in with the Pennsylvania electorate; he was badly defeated for the Senate in 1914 by Boies Penrose. The lesson was not lost on Palmer. Palmer, though he had been one of Wilson's earliest and most effective backers, was permitted by the ungrateful President to wander in the political wilderness until appointed Alien Property Custodian in 1917. Meanwhile, he was an active member of the Democratic National Committee and campaigned vigorously for the President in the 1916 race. Lack of public office permitted...

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