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Bibliography of Song Studies in Japan (2007)
This Bibliography of Song History Studies is a sequel to those published in JSYS 31, 32, 33, 34, 35, 36 and 37. Compiled by Anazawa Shoko 穴澤彰子, it includes books and articles published in Japan in 2007. It also includes a state-of-the-field essay by Professor Kubota Kazuo 久保田和男 on research in Song urban history published in Japan since the 1980s. The research for this bibliography was supported by grants from the Japan Society for the Promotion of Science awarded to Professor Hirata Shigeki.
Contents
1. The Study of Song Urban History in Japan since the 1980s by Kubota Kazuo 久保田和男
2. Bibliography of Song History Studies in Japan (2007) compiled by Anazawa Shoko 穴澤彰子
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The Study of Song Urban History in Japan since the 1980s
Part 1: The Study of Song Urban History in Japan since the 1980s1
Introduction
As a starting point, a useful bibliographical reference for Song urban history is a database created by Osaka City University's Urban Historical Research Center: A Bibliography of Chinese Urban History 中国都城史文献目録.2 As indicated by the term 都城 (capital cities) in the title, this database focuses primarily on studies of capital cities. In this essay, however, after first summarizing the studies of capital cities, I will also give an overview of studies of [End Page 203] regional cities at the prefectural (州), district (県), and garrison (鎮) levels.
Both Shiba (1968) and Umehara (1994) pointed out that exclusive focus on capital or major cities such as Kaifeng or Lin'an revealed only a limited view of cities, whereas investigation of regional cities provided a more comprehensive understanding of urban history. There is a danger in applying characteristics of capital cities to all cities because capital cities are special places due to their political roles, and therefore have problems that are specific to them. Still, in the past two decades, there has been a noticeable increase in studies that focus specifically on capital cities (首都論). In view of this academic trend, I will devote separate sections to each of the kinds of cities, capital and non-capital, both of which have been the subject of scholarly studies and debate.
Studies on Capital Cities and the 'Fang' System
From pre-war times to the present, studies of capital cities have predominated among scholars who study Tang cities (Seo 2001). This is probably because the old Japanese capitals such as Heijō-kyō and Heian-kyō were built primarily on the blueprint of the Tang capital of Chang'an. As a result, Japanese scholars have made extensive studies on the city plans of Chang'an and Luoyang. On the other hand, Song city planning did not have a significant influence in Japan. In the capital cities built in Nara and Kyoto after Heijō-kyō or Heian-kyō, Chinese-style city planning was not adopted at all, and this resulted in the formation of genuine Japanese cities. Therefore, no scholar has attempted to examine Song cities by comparing them to Japanese cities of that time, and there is a need for pioneering research in this area.
In Japan, the idea of a Tang-Song transition characterized by social development through the expansion of freedom and the relaxing of government regulations had a powerful impact on the study of Chinese urban history. The organized landscape and strict fang 坊 system of the Tang capital city was considered a sharp contrast to the image of Song cities as urban centers in a free market economy.
The theory that changes in cities occurred during the Tang-Song transition was first introduced in a classic work by Katō Shigeshi (1931). Katō considered the changes that took place in several cities during the Tang-Song transition to mark a significant development, and his theory of the fall of the fangqiang 坊牆 system was extremely influential in the work of succeeding scholars. [End Page 204]
The fang system physically segmented a city by walls erected within the enclosed city. Miyazaki Ichisada argued that the system was a revival of the old li 里 system of the Han dynasty, and that it was introduced for the purpose of keeping public safety in an urban space where a variety of ethnic groups lived together during the Northern Dynasties (Miyazaki 1962). Pak Han-jae concluded that the fang system in the capital city was created in order to control the citizens of enemy states and nomadic groups who were forced to migrate there (Pak 1990). He further noted that the system was influential in the construction of the city of Ye 鄴, the capital of Eastern Wei and Northern Qi (東魏・北斉). According to Kikuchi Hideo, junfang 軍坊 referred to the enclosed garrisons within the capital city and other walled cities where northern nomadic horse riders lived together with their families under the supervision of the central government (Kikuchi 1994).
The fang system was also implemented in the capital of the Sui dynasty, Daxing 大興. Miyazaki pointed out that the fang system of the Sui and Tang was not used to control city residents as rigidly as in the past. Further, he claimed that the fang system of the Tang was characterized by the increased number of people who were privileged to open their gates toward the main streets.
As shown in the works of these scholars, the fang system had three primary functions. In major cities it served as a security measure to control the complex demography of various ethnic groups by confining them in an enclosed space. In capital cities it enforced the government's authority by controlling the people that the state forcibly moved there. It also served the purpose of maintaining and demonstrating the dignity and authority of the state in its capital.
Seo Tatsuhiko claimed that the drastic decrease in its territory led the Tang government to lose its unique feature as a multi-ethnic state, which in turn resulted in the fall of the fang system (Seo 1997).3 In Northern Song, which maintained essentially the same territory as late Tang, the capital city was also not multi-ethnic, and Seo's view supports the theory that the fang system did not exist in Song Kaifeng either. [End Page 205]
There are two opinions about the fall of Kaifeng in relation to the fang system. Katō Shigeshi, the first scholar who discussed this issue, said that the fang system existed until the middle of the Northern Song (Katō 1931). Umehara Kaoru disagreed with Katō, contending that the system no longer existed by early Song (Umehara 1977). Kida Tomō expanded on Katō's theory. He did not focus on the nature of the fang system as a means of security. Instead, he proposed that street walls existed in the city of Kaifeng from the early Song, but were destroyed by the increasing number of shop owners who expanded their shops into the streets with the development of commerce. As a result, the system was no longer in place by the middle of Emperor Renzong's era, changing the entire city landscape (Kida 1978).
However, it seems unlikely that street walls were constructed and maintained by the government until the middle of Northern Song since the capital essentially consisted of Han Chinese and therefore did not have different ethnic groups in it. Already in the Five Dynasties period, night-time curfews relying on the fang system were not enforced (Kubota 1995b). In the city of Luoyang in the Later Tang, there was an order to build shops along the main street since having farm land along it was detrimental to the exercise of imperial authority. In other words, the fang system no longer existed there. The city plan of Luoyang of the Later Tang was adopted by the city of Kaifeng of the Later Zhou dynasty (Kubota 1998). Furthermore, although Emperor Shizong of the Later Zhou greatly expanded Kaifeng according to a city plan, there seems to be no evidence that the fang system was implemented.
Kubota argued that the majority of the population in Kaifeng consisted of soldiers of the imperial army and their families, and that the city's security was maintained by enclosing them in a walled garrison and imposing a curfew at night (Kubota 2000). This was necessary because during the early Song mercenaries from defeated states were transferred into the imperial army and therefore security deteriorated. We can thus speculate that the walls and gates of the garrison functioned like those of the fang in the Tang capital.4 However, [End Page 206] Kubota also stated that, once the garrison disappeared from Kaifeng as a result of Wang Anshi's military reforms, sites for the garrison were redeveloped and made into urban districts (Kubota 1995b). He concluded that the demonstration of imperial authority was effectively transferred from the garrison to the city walls and moat of the "new city," which was expanded during the reign of Shenzong (Kubota 2004).
As a capital city, the structures (including the fang system) and functions of Kaifeng were not simply related to urban design and development, but were directly tied to the power and authority of the imperial government. Consequently, we need to take a different approach to the fang system of cities apart from the capitals. However, the limitations of extant historical sources make it difficult to investigate this topic thoroughly. Sokabe made a general study about the new urban unit called xiang 廂 that appeared during the Song to replace the old fang (Sokabe 1963). Hino traced the origin of the term xiang to a military institution in late Tang and the Five Dynasties period, and showed how it came to be established as the name for an urban unit (Hino 1995).
The Demise of the Market System and the Development of Urban Commerce
Like the fang system, the demise of the market system 市制 is also considered one of the important factors in the Tang-Song transition in cities. However, Hino rejected the theory that commercial activities were restricted to markets during the Tang (Hino 1968). During the Song, markets in the capital city were metropolitan facilities to be used for purposes other than commercial activities, and it is important to analyze their function. According to both Umehara and Kida, the markets of Kaifeng are noted as venues for execution in historical records (Umehara 1977 and Kida 1978). However, no one has looked at markets as a place for execution from the perspective of institutional or social history. An anthropological approach is also useful when studying markets, and such an approach can be applied to the analysis of the roles of various markets in Kaifeng such as 甕市子, 鬼市子, 西市 and 都市. Kirimoto demonstrated the significance of markets as venues for execution from the perspective of cultural anthropology by providing examples from Chinese and Japanese history (Kirimoto 1986). Sawada gave a chronological overview of the ghost markets (鬼市), including those of the Song (Sawada 1976).
Traditionally, Kaifeng has been viewed as a commercial city. For this reason, some scholars think that the decline of the fang system occurred as [End Page 207] shop owners and proprietors of commercial facilities 邸店 invaded the main streets, illegally occupying the sides of main streets to build shops and houses (Kida 1978). Imperial decrees prohibiting such illegal occupation were often passed during the reigns of Zhenzong and Renzong, reflecting the development of urban commerce. The central government attempted to gain control of commerce because Kaifeng was a capital city.
With the implementation of Wang Anshi's new laws, the shiyifa 市易法 was put in place as a new commercial policy. This system aimed to control commercial activities of large-scale merchants who monopolized the distribution of goods in the capital city. According to Miyazawa Tomoyuki, under the shiyifa, the Market Exchange Office (市易務) of the central government functioned as the largest wholesale organization in the country. It was the government's first exercise of direct control over commerce since the collapse of the market system. Miyazawa claimed that the system collapsed because it conflicted with the distribution system formed during the Tang-Song transition (Miyazawa 1984). Kumamoto Takashi said that the shiyifa was not necessarily a policy for controlling commerce, but was an attempt to reorganize the distribution of commercial goods by incorporating merchants into the organization of the state. By this means, the government could use the merchants' marketing abilities to meet the needs of the state (i.e., the procurement of military supplies) [Kumamoto 1982]. Kubota argued that shops went bankrupt one after another as a result of the activities of the Market Exchange Office that executed the shiyifa during the Xining era, hindering commercial activities in cities during this period (Kubota 1995a). Kubota claimed that after Wang Anshi took control, the nature of the Market Exchange Office and the shiyifa changed, reviving commercial activities in Kaifeng, although not to the extent that illegal occupation of the street occurred. Hino and Miyazawa have described in great detail the actual conditions of the guild system (行) during the Tang and Song (Hino 1983b and Miyazawa 1994).
It has long been known that Kaifeng functioned as a center for long-distance trade (Hino 1983a). This was because the city was located at the junction of canals and the Bian River 汴河. Needless to say, the government's policy of contracting with private merchants for the transport of military food supplies to the northern border had a great influence on the development of longdistance commerce. Miyazawa called it "distribution by finance" and said that transportation of military goods promoted distribution of other commercial goods, as the government became involved through finance, monopolies, and [End Page 208] the draft system (Miyazawa 1998). In recent years, more and more scholars have been involved in analyzing this issue.
Gotō focused on the concept of southern and northern merchants as mentioned in various historical materials, and he conducted a detailed study of merchant activities and their geographical scope (Gotō 2000). He concluded that long-distance commerce, centering around Kaifeng, was not as developed as had been presumed in the past. He questioned such terms as "empire-wide markets" and "empire-wide distribution" that had heretofore been considered to represent the "commercial revolution" of the Song. Nishioku claimed that transporting military food supplies from Kaifeng to the northwestern border would have been costly and difficult by means of the transportation available at the time (Nishioku 2002). By analyzing the statistics on commercial taxes, he concluded that we cannot assume that goods were transported directly from Kaifeng to the frontier region. Rather, he pointed out the existence of a "procurement circle for goods" at the level of military routes (Nishioku 2006). Thus, scholars tend not to explain the existence of various circles of commerce, centering on Kaifeng and spreading out empire-wide, as an autonomous development. Regular tribute grain brought to Kaifeng was mostly consumed locally (Kubota 2000), so the general notion that goods transported on the Grand Canal were sent all the way to Hebei or Shanxi is doubtful. In that sense, Nishioku's conclusion is sound.
The Capital City of Kaifeng as a Politico/Religious Space
Capital cities are political spaces where the authority and power of a state are concentrated and explicitly revealed. In recent years, scholars have begun to study capital cities from the perspective of imperial rituals and to view these cities as political spaces. Of the various imperial rituals conducted in Chinese capital cities, the ceremonial worship of Heaven and Earth 郊祀 was the most traditional. Yamauchi Kōichi focused on imperial rituals performed in the capital city and undertook a basic study of it (Yamauchi 1983). He also published works on metropolitan ritual facilities, such as 太廟, 景霊宮 and 神御殿 (Yamauchi 1990). Umehara conducted a detailed study of the emperor's procession in the southern suburbs (Umehara 1986). He pointed out that the main street of the capital city was a critically important political space. In addition, Kojima Tsuyoshi, after analyzing elite writings concerning the ritual worship of Heaven and Earth, pointed out that the concept of Heaven underwent a transition during the early and middle Northern [End Page 209] Song (Kojima 1988 and 1989). Kubota studied imperial visits to Daoist and Buddhist monasteries as well as to residences of important clans and high officials (Kubota 2006). Northern Song emperors presented themselves to the residents of the capital as a way of reinforcing awareness of their existence and maintaining authority. The city of Kaifeng was used as a stage for such demonstrations of authority.
The Huizong era has been drawing much attention in recent years, and a special journal issue on Huizong's era has even been published.5 Kojima, in his detailed study of rituals during the Huizong era, also pointed out the relation between the imperial authority and the capital city (Kojima 1992). Kubota analyzed Kaifeng as a political space in order to liberate Kaifeng from the stereotypical image created by such works as the Dongjing menghua lu 東京夢華録 and the Qingming shanghe tu 清明上河図 (Kubota 2005). He showed that, in connection with the power and authority of Emperor Huizong and Cai Jing, gigantic buildings such as the 明堂 and the 艮岳 were constructed one after another as stages for imperial rituals, as a result of which the capital city was almost entirely reorganized. There have not been any studies of Kaifeng during the reign of Emperor Zhenzong, who, like Huizong, took advantage of religious authority to control the government.
At times, Kaifeng served as a stage for celebration shared by both emperors and the common people. Ihara made a general discussion about this point (Ihara 1991).6 The Lantern Festival of the lunar new year was the grandest celebration of all. Imanishi discussed how this celebration was used as the backdrop for vernacular stories of the sanyan 三言 tradition (Imanishi 1985).
Daily Life in Kaifeng
Kubota discussed the double-layered structure of the city wall and how it affected the commuting habits of the elites (Kubota 1995c). In many cases, officials lived in rented houses. During the Song, in large cities like Kaifeng, the government owned properties for lease as a source of income. Umehara revealed the actual conditions of such properties and lease (Umehara 1990). In his paper, Umehara also examined the imperial custom of bestowing [End Page 210] residential lots on meritorious officials 賜第. Kubota pointed out that, during the Huizong era, this bequest became a threat to the well-being of the general public, since emperors tended to give lots randomly to their favorite ministers (Kubota 2005).
As for the population of Kaifeng, Hino Kaisaburō estimated it to be 5 million, based on the daily consumption of salt in the city (Hino 1968). To the number of households calculated by Hino, Kubota added the number of soldiers of the imperial army and their families who resided in the military garrison. He concluded that, from changes in the number of soldiers in the capital, Kaifeng's population reached over 1.4 million during Renzong's reign, after which time it began to decrease due to the government's policy of reducing the number of soldiers (Kubota 2000). Kin concluded that the war stories and heroic tales of street storytellers, such as the Romance of the Three Kingdoms, were popular because soldiers of the imperial army, who constituted a great part of the population in Kaifeng, were the primary audience (Kin 1989).
What we know about the daily life of commoners in Kaifeng is strongly influenced by the descriptions in the aforementioned Dongjing menghualu and the Qingming shanghe tu.7 Consequently, scholars often discussed Kaifeng as a "city of free commerce." However, it is clear that there were various restrictions imposed on the people of Kaifeng. For example, during the Song, night curfew began from midnight, thus not as early in the evening as the Tang, and was observed until dawn. In particular, residents of the military garrison were prohibited from leaving home after sunset (Kubota 1995b). The city gates opened and closed at a fixed hour, and therefore people's daily lives were regulated according to time as divided up by the government (Kubota 1995c). However, development of commerce and industry during the Tang-Song transition resulted in the relaxation of the curfew, and thereby the control of time by the government. Kitada concluded that the relaxation of the curfew actually promoted an attitude of diligence among those who engaged in commerce and industry in the city, an attitude supported by the philosophies of Zen Buddhism and Neo-Confucianism (Kitada 1999). Looking at the influence of the control of time on people's lives and consciousness in this way is an innovative approach to urban history. [End Page 211]
Katsuyama Minoru, through his study of the history of vernacular literature, examined various facets of the daily life of commoners. He discussed community consciousness in Kaifeng and Lin'an by reading the vibrant descriptions of the city in Dongjing menghua lu and in the literary works of the sanyen erpaí 三言二拍 (Katsuyama 2001). Also related to the subject of daily life in the city is the work by Katsuyama that discusses government orders restricting luxury accessories made with gold and silver (Katsuyama 1996b).
Nakamura Hajime conducted a systematic study of cuisine as vividly described in writings on flourishing cities, such as Dongjing menghua lu and Mengliang lu 夢粱録 (Nakamura 2000). Nakamura's voluminous work also touches upon issues of social history, as it describes the external appearance and internal structure of restaurants and eateries, their rankings, social roles, and assigned tasks of restaurant employees. One important work influenced by Nakamura is that of Shio (2005). Shio discusses the succession of food cultures, from that of Kaifeng to that of Lin'an, by studying different types of meat. He said that in Kaifeng the custom of eating lamb's meat spread to people of lower social strata, and the custom was brought to Lin'an during the Southern Song by migrants from the north. However, he also added that, since Lin'an's supply of lamb meat was less than that of Kaifeng, the diets of northern China and the Jiangnan region of the south blended. According to Shio, there were quite a few "southern cuisine" restaurants 南食店 in Kaifeng that catered to customers from the north. He claims that the reason why many "southern cuisine" restaurants opened in Lin'an was that northerners who moved to Lin'an hesitated to call restaurants that served lamb's meat "northern cuisine" establishments 北食店. Thus, they continued to call northern food restaurants "southern food" shops. Shio's work makes us realize the need for more in-depth discussion of capital cities, comparing Kaifeng and Lin'an.
The Study of Lin'an
Lin'an (Hangzhou) was a regional metropolis during the Northern Song, while in the Southern Song, it was a temporary capital. Yamazaki Satoshi, who has been actively examining topics regarding the kingdoms of Jiangnan, such as that of Wuyue, claimed that harbor facilities in Hangzhou developed during the Wuyue period of the late Tang and during the Five Dynasties' period, since the gateway for overseas trade shifted during that time from Yangzhou to Hangzhou (Yamazaki 2003). He discussed the topic from the standpoint of so-called "harbor markets" 港市. Itō has also discussed Hangzhou during [End Page 212] the Wuyue period (Itō 1995). Nishioka discussed urban waterways in Hangzhou during the Tang and Song eras, addressing topics such as changes in the canal and the organization of the water and sewage systems (Nishioka 1992). On the other hand, Kondō claimed that when Su Shi, then prefect of Hangzhou, organized disaster relief measures during the Northern Song, it was mainly for the benefit of urban residents and was carried out with the welfare of Hangzhou's commercial economy in mind (Kondō 1983). His analysis of disaster relief measures clearly demonstrated that Hangzhou was already a city of active consumption even during the Northern Song.
Kaneko (1993) and Takahashi (2003) discussed how Lin'an was established as a temporary capital city by examining the places where Emperor Gaozong travelled in Jiangnan while fleeing to the south. Takahashi presumed that pro-war officials had requested the emperor to go to Jiankang 建康 in order to retake central China. Although Gaozong often agreed to such requests, Qin Gui 秦檜, who demanded peace, requested that the emperor return to Lin'an (Takahashi 2003).
Almost half of the papers included in Cities and Culture of Pre-modern China 中国近世の都市と文化 (Institute for Research in Humanities, Kyoto University, 1984) edited by Umehara Kaoru, are papers that deal with the capital of the Southern Song, Lin'an. They are the result of significant collaborative research. In this work, Umehara mainly examined urban infrastructures, such as fang, xiang 廂, and the canal system. The volume also includes a map of Southern Song Lin'an, the result of work by Umehara (Umehara 1984). In recent years, Takahashi Hirōmi has been actively engaged in the study of Lin'an. He has discussed the palace and ritual facilities, the formation of government buildings, and the problems of security and fire prevention (Takahashi 2006a). He also discussed housing problems, illegal occupation of roadside areas, and fires in the city (Takahashi 2005). In another work, Takahashi examined the living conditions of the people in the lower social strata and the government's social welfare measures in Lin'an (Takahashi 2006b). His work showed us that the welfare facilities created in the Northern Song, such as 居養院 or 漏擇園, were continued in the Southern Song to help refugees from northern China. Takahashi also discussed how government properties were illegally occupied by city residents and how, in contrast to what happened in Kaifeng, in Lin'an these properties were mainly occupied by people of the lower strata. Kira (1990) examined fires and fire preventive organization in Lin'an. [End Page 213]
As for the politics and urban spaces of Lin'an, Kinugawa Tsuyoshi discussed the residences of autocratic ministers such as Qin Gui, Han Tuozhou 韓侘冑, Shi Miyuan 史弥遠 and Jia Sidao 賈似道. He hypothesized that the distance between a minister's residence and the palace was determined by his degree of power and authority. That is, the residence of Jia Sidao, whose period of autocratic power lasted longer than that of any other officials, was farthest from the palace. Kinugawa also examined the behavior of ministers in urban space and discussed their means of transportation. It is interesting to know that ministers also had a home residence in Jiangnan (Kinugawa 1984).
Recently, Hirata Shigeki introduced the concept of "political space" in order to examine urban spaces from the perspective of political history. Accordingly, he has analyzed the political space of Lin'an by comparing it with that of the capital cities of other dynasties (Hirata 2005). Hirata argued that the Northern Inner Palace 北内 (residence of the Retired Emperor) functioned as a political space, in addition to the Grand Inner Palace 大内 and the Southern Inner Palace 南内. He considered the co-existence of the two political spaces as a unique characteristic of Lin'an. Kobayashi examined the political space of Lin'an by focusing on the period when, even after his accession, Ningzong chose to remain in the Northern Inner Palace (Kobayashi 2006). Following these discussions of the Grand Inner Palace and the Northern Inner Palace, we can expect further development of the study of the political space of Lin'an.
Chikusa Masaaki discussed the changes in Buddhist temples during the turbulent period between the Song government's move to the south and the occupation of Jiangnan by the Yuan (Chikusa 1984). He provided a thorough study of how, after Gaozong moved to the South, his government took advantage of the existing Buddhist monasteries in order to organize the urban functions of Lin'an. Chikusa's discussion also has relevance to the study of political space. Nagai claimed that the Mingqing Temple 明慶寺 in the Muzixiang 木子巷 of Lin'an played a role comparable to that of the Daxiangguo Temple 大相国寺 in the Northern Song (Nagai 1987). On the other hand, there has been little discussion of the Buddhist temples in Kaifeng, and future study is needed.
Regarding urban commerce in Lin'an, Shiba pointed out the existence in Jiangnan of a market area centering on Lin'an. At the same time, he clarified [End Page 214] the boundaries of the commercial districts within the city of Lin'an, for each type of industry (Shiba 1984). Since the time of the Wuyue Kingdom (Five Dynasties period) and the Northern Song, Lin'an had been known as the center of the printing industry. Ichinose discussed the bookshops that served as printing studios (1986). Kusano studied paper money, which mostly circulated in Lin'an and the surrounding areas (Kusano 1966). From stone inscriptions, Ihara collected data concerning contributions made by commoners as a fund for building temples, and he used this data to analyze the scale of the assets owned by commoners in Lin'an and its outskirts (Ihara 1994).
During the 1960s and 1970s, much was written about the population of Lin'an. Some scholars contended that there were 5 million people there, while others claimed the population to have been around 1.5 million. Shiba has summarized the history of the study of Lin'an's population (Shiba 1974), but this topic has not been much discussed in recent years. Teraji Son (2001) pointed out three basic problems facing city management in Lin'an: 1) overpopulation; 2) the influencing of public opinion through bequests of land to the residents; and 3) controlling the influx of refugees caused by natural disasters. To counter these problems, the government of the Southern Song built and managed gigantic granaries, and implemented measures to cope with unemployment, as well as measures to stabilize consumer prices. Teraji claimed that the implementation of the public land system was one such urban policy. However, although the system rescued Lin'an from crisis, it led to confusion in the hinterland, and in the end the adoption of the system turned out to be a suicidal action for the Southern Song. Teraji examined in detail the complicated conditions underlying the fate of the capital city and the empire, and his work has been rightly regarded as a classic in urban history. Teraji concluded his discussion by examining the relationship between the capital and the empire as emphasized by the sociologist Fujita Hirō (Fujita 1991). Fujita claimed that the power of the state prevented the capital from starvation. He pointed out that Fujita's view could be applied to the relationship between Lin'an and the Southern Song.
In the study of Song capital cities, future research might compare the characteristics of Kaifeng and Lin'an both in terms of Kaifeng being a principal capital and Lin'an, a temporary one, and in terms of regional differences between north and south. [End Page 215]
Regional Cities (州・県・鎮市)
Katō pointed out that, during the Tang-Song transition, small cities called 鎮市, 草市, 店 or 歩 appeared in the territories between traditional regional cities (Katō 1933). Post-war studies of Song cities seem to have developed out of an interest in the problems Katō had pointed out in the aforementioned work, and they focused on regional cities such as garrisons 鎮, which emerged during the Song. In this section, I will introduce works that statistically examine the networks among Song regional cities, as well as works that analyze individual space in regional cities.
Urban Networks
Shiba, who views the Song period both as a period of "commercial revolution" and "urban revolution," continues to carry out detailed examinations of Song cities, while at the same time incorporating the findings of noted American scholars (such as G. William Skinner) who have published on urbanization in China since the 1950s. Shiba clarified the relationship between a city's scale and its administrative rank, while pointing out regional differences (Shiba 1981). He also described general tendencies among Chinese urban networks, from the Song to the Qing (Shiba 1982). He claimed that networks for economic and social negotiation, such as prefecture-garrison-village (県–鎮市–村), formed alongside networks controlled exclusively by the administrative units such as prefecture-township-village (県–郷–村), and that on the regional level, these parallel networks became increasingly complex right up until the late Qing.
Shiba (1988) is a summary of all the work he had published about the urban society of the Jiangnan region, and confirmed the views he espoused in earlier work (1982). He discussed the cities of Hangzhou, Suzhou, Huzhou, and Mingzhou (Ningbo) from the perspective of their relationship with the hinterlands of garrisons and township villages, as well as their networks with other cities. In so doing, he provided a general overview of the economic history of the lower Yangzi region from the ninth to the twelfth centuries. For the network in Suzhou, we must also mention the work of Shio (1998).
Hino examined the development of 草市 during the Tang-Song period and described the actual conditions of commercial facilities such as 邸店 (Hino 1988). Kiyokoba Higashi's major work is a systematic analysis of the commercial activities of Northern Song cities, large and small, from the capital to the [End Page 216] level of garrison. Kiyokoba examined the data on commercial taxes, using his own methodology (Kiyokoba 2006).
The Study of Small Regional Cities
Umehara reviewed all the studies of Chinese cities done up until the 1960s and identified problems in cities smaller than garrisons 鎮 (Umehara 1966). For the administrative units smaller than garrisons, such as 店 and 歩, he provided a general view on the development of the commercial community and differences in their names between the North and the South. He also studied the origin of garrisons and their geographical distribution, along with changes in the ranking of garrisons and the internal conditions of garrisons, by examining Ganpu 澉浦 garrison of of the Song. Umehara examined the historical changes in garrisons (Umehara 1959) and argued that the territorial scope of a garrison was determined by the pattern of social groupings, while its territorial extent was controlled by the prefecture and the township. In this way, he defined the administrative significance of garrisons in detail and clarified their relations with prefectures. He also examined in detail the position of the residents of garrisons in terms of their tax burden as well as other issues relevant to the study of garrisons.
As mentioned before, Shiba emphasized the development of new urban networks during the Song, arguing that 鎮市 and 村市 began to evince regional differences as they developed. On average, there were 6.7 garrisons in each commandery region (州) during the Song, with approximately 20 villages in between, and each garrison formed a local distribution network. Therefore, Shiba considered the emergence of 鎮市 at the base of regional networks to have been an advance in urbanization and a phase in the "commercial revolution" (Shiba 1982). Yamada attempted to demonstrate regional differences in the development of 鎮市 by comparing commercial taxes on them in northern China and Jiangnan respectively (Yamada 1995).
In recent years, scholars have been pioneering new approaches to the study of smaller local cities such as 鎮市. For example, Hayashi described chronologically changes in the distribution of commerce that took place in the garrison of Wuqing 烏青 in Huzhou between the Song and the Qing (Hayashi 1984). Maemura revealed the urbanization process of the garrisons in Jiangnan through a study of the relation between the garrison supervisor 監鎮官 and the garrison community (Maemura 1998). He also analyzed the [End Page 217] relations among residents, including elites, in the society of the garrison to determine the degree of separation between the garrisons in Jiangnan and the central government (Maemura 2001). Maemura focused on the relation between the central government's administrative structure and local society. He is critical of methodologies that treat changes in garrisons as commercial phenomena (as Shiba's did) or as autonomous administrative developments. In a significant achievement, Sue Takashi, using stone inscriptions, analyzed Jiangnan's garrisons with a focus on local shrines and temples (Sue 2005 and other relevant work of his). He also pointed out the close relationship between the government and garrison community. Takamura conducted fieldwork to examine the waterfront garrisons of Jiangnan from the standpoint of architectural history (Takamura 2000). Although his work does not necessarily focus on the Song period, it provides a new perspective not found in works by historians.
Cities at the Prefecture and District Levels
Many scholars discuss prefectural-level cities of the economically advanced area along the lower Yangzi river, but most focus on big cities such as Suzhou or Hangzhou. In the aforementioned work, Shiba also examined the city structure of Ningbo (Shiba 1988). Ihara Hiroshi published a series of works on Suzhou. He revealed the urban structure of Suzhou (Ihara 1983) through detailed analysis of the map of Suzhou 平江図. While Ihara focused on the Song period, Shiba studied the city structure of Suzhou during the Tang-Song period (Shiba 1984) and Tonami Mamoru also studied Suzhou during the Tang-Song period (Tonami 1984). For the Tang dynasty, Tonami referred to the poems of Bai Juyi, and for the Song, like Ihara he also referred to the 平江図. Shiba's work, taken in conjunction with that of Ihara (1983), clearly shows the city structure of Suzhou across the Tang and Song eras. To provide a different perspective, Kikuchi Hideo investigated the formation of cities by Han Chinese who were in contact with non-Han peoples at the border region along the Great Wall (Kikuchi 1988). Kikuchi's view should be acknowledged in future studies as a valuable perspective on regional cities.8
Ihara claims that analysis of the relationship between the elites and cities [End Page 218] is an excellent clue to reveal the unique characteristics of the Song dynasty (Ihara 1985). Accordingly, he discusses the urban space of Suzhou by analyzing the life of the elites (Ihara 1981). Studies such as that of Ihara that analyze cities by looking at the life of the elites became more frequent in the 1980s.
Kida claims that, during the Xining-Yuanfeng era (煕寧元豊), the urban space of Luoyang underwent a significant cultural development, as officials who opposed the reforms of Wang Anshi began gathering there (Kita 1979). Kondō also discussed the social welfare measures carried out by Su Shi as prefect (Kondō 1983), while Kawakami examined regional cities by studying the education of the elites (Kawakami 1984). Kawakami points out that prefectural or district schools were needed as facilities for mutual aid and as places of interactions for elites and influential figures of the community, who maintained the schools independently. However, in recent years, studies of the elite have been losing popularity, and consequently scholars are not inclined to approach the study of cities in China through a discussion of elites.
Not many scholars have studied districts (県). Shiba examined the density of administrative organization in China as a whole by looking at changes in the number of district cities. He emphasized the fact that the number of districts barely changed while the population increased. Thus, he concluded that different types of autonomous urban groups were generated to cope with the population increase (Shiba 1982). However, Shiba's study is an analysis of a general tendency over a long span of time from the Song to Ming-Qing. During the Northern Song, the district of Luoping 楽平, located in the Taihang 太行 mountain range, went through an obvious social change as a result of the establishment of military garrisons and their subsequent withdrawal. Kikuchi examined this case in detail, thus shedding light on cities of the Northern Song (Kikuchi 1986).
Maemura examined the formation of new districts during the Southern Song (Maemura 2000). He pointed out that, upon the establishment of new districts, the construction of urban facilities (including that of district city walls) was promoted by powerful local residents such as elders and elites as they collaborated with government authorities. According to Maemura, new districts were created so that the government could intervene in local security matters, and therefore they were not necessarily created to respond to the economic development of the area. In attempting to prove his argument, Maemura referred to a number of Song historical materials included in Ming [End Page 219] and Qing local gazetteers. Maemura also showed that the consolidation or abolition of prefectures and districts had such a significant impact on local residents that they often stirred up opposing public opinion (Maemura 2002). He analyzed various countermeasures that the central government took to deal with such opposition and concluded that the abolition or creation of districts were seldom carried out during the Northern Song after the Xining era. In his discussion, Maemura also mentioned that there was a great difference in the respective tax burdens of urban residents 坊郭戸 and rural residents 郷村戸,9 and that public opinion was deliberately shaped by powerful urban residents.
From the viewpoint of walled cities and popular beliefs of the residents, city-god worship has drawn attention. Matsumoto discussed changes in the roles of, and beliefs about, city-gods from the Song to the Ming (Matsumoto 2004). Kojima pointed out how city-god shrines, which were symbols of religious devotion for the common people, were not destroyed as yinci 淫祠 like other lay temples and shrines. He showed how these city-god shrines were worshipped by local officials and were eventually incorporated into an imperial system (Kojima 1990).
Conclusion
In Japan in the 1980s, large-scale, collaborative research was conducted on cities of the Islamic world under the leadership of Itagaki Yūzō. This type of study grew out of reflection on prior studies of Western Asian cities. In the past, these cities tended to be discussed as "Islamic cities" in comparison to medieval Western European cities that were "autonomous" and functioned as "urban communities." Discussing the cities of Western Asia by comparing them to European cities is tantamount to studying Asian cities from the perspective of European history. This kind of attitude is what Edward Said called "Orientalism," as differences between Asian and European cities were emphasized to show "stagnation" in the former. To transcend this view, various [End Page 220] approaches were taken in the above-mentioned research project, all in an attempt to fashion a theory of historical space for Islamic cities, and substantial achievements were made (Itagaki 1993). At the same time, Japanese scholars were discussing the images and characteristics of pre-modern Japanese cities from many different angles. The turning point in the theory of cities came with a study by Amino Yoshihiko. He emphasized the characteristics of Japanese cities as "border territory" where non-agricultural population gathered, and in so doing cast light upon the liberated nature of medieval Japanese cities (Amino 1987). Then, starting in the 1980s, scholars began to share their ideas on the problem of how such "places" as city space could be generated. As such, they began to discuss various factors, including military and political ones, which contributed to the formation of urban space. That is, scholars began to demonstrate how changes in political authority and social structure could influence changes in urban space (Niki 1997).
The trends and directions in studies of Song cities discussed here seem to follow the same pattern as the changes that occurred in the discussions of Islamic and Japanese cities in the 1980's. Scholars were influenced by a new concept of "knowledge" that originated in the 1980s, by the "linguistic turn," and by the expansion of discourse on cities and "space."
As Shiba has pointed out, scholars have taken one of two directions when studying the history of Chinese cities: either they have discussed cities as synonymous with officialdom, city walls, and consumption; or they have focused on the liberated nature of cities as centers of commerce, industry, and economic activities. In studying Song cities, the latter approach has generally been more popular as scholars have tended to discuss the development of the Song commercial economy. By the same token, studies of cities as centers of political activity have been largely absent. Yet, as mentioned earlier, in Japan during the 1980s, theories on cities caught the attention of scholars in the fields of contemporary intellectual and cultural studies. Scholars studying Chinese cities began providing information to specialists in the above-mentioned fields and, in turn, obtained valuable suggestions from them on matters of theory. To mention one, works by a sociologist, Fujita Hirō, deserve our attention. Fujita claims that authoritative power generates new cities. His convincing theories, which employ insights from comparative urban history, challenge the traditional theory of cities, which takes the commercial or autonomous cities of the West as a model (Fujita 1991 and 1993). Fujita's approach influenced [End Page 221] many scholars who study the history of Chinese cities, namely Kikuchi (1992), Kubota (1995b), Ihara (2000) and Teraji (2001).
Hirata has recently articulated a new concept, that of "political space," a place for political/human networks. He has attempted to analyze the structure of a given city space by reference to this concept (Hirata 2005). In Hirata's approach, the concept of "space" is "meaningful space" and does not refer to physical space. Instead, it is an abstract and subjective space. When discussing how a certain space is formed in China, we may use political leadership and public participation as its framework. Kitada employed a new concept of time, "meaningful time," to his analysis of time in Chinese cities (1999). In this sense, his work makes a good comparison with that of Hirata. If the place of politically-oriented human interactions can be called "political space," then, naturally, a capital city has the most intense interactions of this kind. Since there is an abundance of materials on capital cities, scholars are beginning to discuss political space. Compared to the capitals of other dynasties (e.g., the Tang), the Song capitals have been analyzed and studied mostly as a commercial space, so their functions as political space need to be further explored.
In reviewing the studies of local cities, garrison cities (鎮市) formed as a result of social changes during the Tang-Song transition have been attracting scholarly attention recently. Several studies draw on records of individual garrison cities to demonstrate changes in urban space. Here again, our attention is drawn to a series of works that analyze the function of garrison cities as political spaces, a genre typified by the work of Maemura.
As Shiba has pointed out in his recent work, analysis of traditional Chinese regional cities (such as those of prefectural or district cities) and urban space is not as yet well developed (Shiba 2002). In fact, there are virtually no studies of individual prefectural or district cities. I believe we need some studies on these types of cities as political spaces. Generally speaking, a majority of the regional cities functioned as annexes of the central government and thus assumed political roles. In the field of Japanese history, scholars have been attempting to apply the concept of "metropolitanism" 首都性 to examine regional cities and their function as political spaces (Kobayashi 1999). Despite limitations in the materials available for studying Song cities, by pursuing the "metropolitanism" of regional Song cities, we can examine cities of the Song more deeply. [End Page 222]
There is also a new trend in research methods. We must take special note of attempts to construct a more realistic image of Song cities by using newly found stone inscriptions or Song materials quoted in Ming and Qing local gazetteers. Also, as noted in this paper, it is now popular to study social culture by using literary materials, demonstrated in the work of Katsuyama and Imanishi.
However, Shiba has a monopoly on the use of general history to analyze cities as urban networks. Following up and developing Shiba's body of work is a significant option for future studies. Also, we must point out that, in the study of Chinese cities, there has been a lack of collaboration between historians and urban sociologists. In the future, we will need to think more clearly about the concepts of "authority" and "power" as they relate to "political space."
Footnotes
1. This essay makes reference to several pre-1980 studies, but for comprehensive reviews of pre-1980 work, see Kida 1978, Ihara 1987, and Shiba 1990.
3. Seo has attempted to reconstruct the history of capital cities from the perspective of the development of civilization in Afro-Eurasia. He claims that large cities were formed in regions where nomadic and farming people came into contact and engaged in cultural exchange (Seo 2006). How his opinion can influence the study of the history of Song cities will become a significant issue in the future.
4. The description in the 天文志 of the Jiu Wudaishi says, "晉高祖天福二年正月乙卯、先是司天奏、正月二日太陽虧蝕、宜避正殿。開諸營門、蓋藏兵器半月不宜用軍。" During the Tang, the gates of the fang were kept open when there was a solar eclipse in order to let the yang ether go through. This material is interesting because it shows that the gates of the military garrison were used for that purpose during the Later Jin of the Five Dynasties period (五代後晋). At least in the minds of the people of the Five Dynasties, street walls (fang) and military garrisons assumed the same role in the capital city.
5. Refer to アジア遊学, 64 特集 『徽宗とその時代』.
6. Although Nakamura does not necessarily focus on the Song, he provides general information about the annual festivals of pre-modern China, making a number of references to those of the Song (Nakamura 1993).
7. There are many studies and publications about the Qingming shanghe tu. Ihara edited a book that contains papers by scholars in various fields including history, art history, architectural history, and anthropology (2003).
8. Nakano pointed out the importance of great Buddhist monasteries in the city structure of the Liao Western capital Datong (西京大同府) and discussed the close relationship between the Liao government and Buddhism (Nakano 1988).
9. We need to examine the family registration and tax systems in order to reveal how the central government controlled the demography of urban residents. For the family registration system, refer to Yanagida (1988). For the tax system in cities, see Umehara (1970). Kumamoto says that there was no clearly structured tax system for urban residents; it was incorporated into the muyifa system (募役法) by Wang Anshi (Kumamoto 1980).
References
-
Bibliography of Song Studies in Japan (2007)
Part 2: Bibliography of Song History Studies in Japan (2007) 日本宋代史研究文献目録 (2007 年)
凡例
(例)
【Ⅰ ・単行本】
【 II ・政治史/ 法制史】
【 III ・財政史 / 経済史】
【 IV ・社会史 / 文化史】
【 V ・文学 / 思想】
【 VI ・史料研究と整理】
【 VII ・その他】
2006 年の補遺
【 Ⅰ ・単行本】
【 II ・政治史 / 法制史】
【 III ・財政史 / 経済史】
【 IV ・社会史 / 文化史】
【 V ・文学 / 思想】
【 VI ・史料研究と整理】
【 VII ・その他】
Romanization of Authors’ Names (by stroke count)
Ding Feng
Nikaidō Yoshihiro
Ōkōchi Takashi
Ōsawa Masaaki
Ōshima Ritsuko
Ōtsu Tōru
Ōmori Nobunori
Ono Yasushi
Kamikawa Michio
Kawakatsu Mamoru
Kubota Kazuo
Koizumi Kazuko
Kojima Tsuyoshi
Kotaka Shūji
Kobayakawa Kodai
Kobayashi Yoshihiro
Kominami Ichirō
Shōjiguchi Satoshi
Chida Daisuke
Tsuchida Kenjirō
Tsuchiya Taisuke
Mikasa Keiko
Mikami Yoshitaka
Mino Toyohiro
Miyake Yoshimoto
Yamauchi Shinji
Yamaoka Taizo
Yamakawa Hitoshi
Yamagiwa Akitoshi [End Page 251]
Yamaguchi Tomoya
Yamazaki Satoshi
Yamada Akihiro
Yamane Naoki
Yamamoto Kazuyoshi
Yamamoto Genryū
Yamamoto Tsutomu
Izawa Kōichi
Inoue Tōru
Inoue Masao
Ihara Kesao
Imaizumi Makiko
Ushio Hirotaka
Uchida Keiichi
Uchiyama Seiya
Wang Shuizhao
Wang Ruilai
Wang Zhaopeng
Kinoshita Tetsuya
Kimura Akihumi
Konba Masami
Chūbachi Masakazu
Tosaki Tetsuhiko
Naka Junko
Naka Hiroshi
Nakao Hisatsugu
Nakao Ryōshin
Nakajima Gakushō
Nakajima Satoshi
Nakajima Ryūzō
Nakabayashi Hirokazu
Nakahara Kenji
Nakamura Kazunori
Mizutani Makoto
Mōri Eisuke
Ishii Susumu
Ishii Masatoshi
Ishida Hajime
Ishizuka Yukihiro
Ishibashi Gorō
Ichiki Tsuyuhiko
Sueki Fumihiko
Tanaka Hideki
Tsujio Eiichi
Nagai Masashi
Hirata Shigeki
Furumatsu Takashi
Honda Osamu
Honda Sheiichi
Honda Wataru
Yata Hiroshi
An Pingqiu
Andō Tomonobu
Yi Ruofen
Ikezawa Shigeko
Ikeda Shōju
Ikeda Tomohisa
Ihara Hiroshi
Iwamoto Atsushi
Usami Kazuhiro
Ejiri Tetsujo
Takezawa Hideki
Takeda Akira
Takenami Haruka
Nishio Ayumu
Nishio Kenryū
Nishioku Kenji
Nishigami Masaru
Nishino Yukiko
Nishiwaki Tsuneki
Pak Mija
Yoshii Kazuo
Akai Masuhisa
Azuma Jūji [End Page 252]
Ozaki Hirosi
Kenjō Mitsutake
Wu Songdi
Kondō Kazunari
Sagawa Masatoshi
Sasaki Tatsuo
Sadate Haruhito
Satō Shūkō
Satō Takayasu
Satō Tamotsu
Satō Hitoshi
Satō Rentarō
Shino Yoshinobu
Tanihata Akio
Murakami Tetsumi
Murakoshi kiyomi
Li Jingjie
Aoki Atsushi
Aiki Sayaka
Akegi Shigeo
Abe Yasuki
Itakura Masaaki
Iwai Yūsen
Oka Motoshi
Okada Kenkichi
Okada Mitsuhiro
Okano Makoto
Okamura Shigeru
Kaneko Yuki
Kawabe Takahiro
Kishimoto Mio
Kōchi Haruhito
Seo Tatsuhiko
Nagao Hidenori
Hattori Kazutaka
Hayashi On
Higashi Hidetoshi
Miao Shumei
Makizumi Kazuhiro
Matsuo Hatsuko
Matsuo Yukitada
Matsushita Michinobu
Matsumoto Kōichi
Matsumoto Takeaki
Matsumoto Nobumichi
Lin Shimin
Lin Mingyu
Kakiuchi Keiko
Hu Jianming
Tsusaka Mitsumasa
Tsuda Tetsuei
Maemura Yoshiyuki
Onda Hiromasa
Kaneyasu Yasuaki
Kurita Yōsuke
Shibata Atsushi
Shimao Arata
Qin Zhaoxiong
Takatsu Takashi
Takahashi Satoshi
Takahashi Tadahiko
Takahashi Hiroomi
Takahashi Masaaki
Takahashi Minoru
Takahashi Yoshirō
Takamura Masahiko
Nōnin Kōdō
Hara Miwako
Mayanagi Makoto
Asami Yōji
Kasuya Ryōsuke
Kanno Seikan
Kuroda Hideo [End Page 253]
Huang Zhengjian
Saitō Tadashi
Shimizu Kōichiro
Cao Jiaqi
Soejima Ichirō
Zhang Gaoping
Zhang Wenli
Zhang Ming
Chen Shangsheng
Chen Fangmei
Nomiyama Hideki
Katsuyama Minoru
Shiina Kōyū
Shiba Yoshinobu
Sue Takashi
Tsukamoto Maromitsu
Cheng Zheng
Tomita Kōmei
Mori Kimiaki
Mori Masao
Morizane Kumiko
Morita Kenji
Yuasa Yōko
Endō Keisuke
Endō Takatoshi
Kakei Fumio
Shio Takugo
Shiomi Kunihiko
Suzuki Kei
Suzuki Masahiro
Tsutsumi Kōji
Mizoguchi Yūzo
Inahata Kōichirō
Enami Takeshi
Enomoto Wataru
Kumamoto Takashi
Cai Yi
Qian Zhixi
Tanemura Kazufumi
Midorikawa Hideki
Yoza Ryōichi
Zheng Xiaonan
Zheng Ning
Yokoyama Kenichi
Liu Yucai
Liu Ziyu
Liu Shufen
Liu Pujiang
Sawazaki Hisakazu
Hashimoto Yū
Lu Wei
Saito Enshin
Hamada Tamami
Higaki Keiji
Fujita Junko
Fujimoto Takeshi
Fujiyoshi Masumi
Fujiwara Matsusaburō
Fujiwara Yūko [End Page 254]
Romanization of Authors’ Names (alphabetically)
阿部泰記
赤井益久
明木茂夫
安平秋
安藤智信
青木敦
青木沙弥香
淺見洋二
吾妻重二
蔡毅
曹家斉
陳芳妹
陳尚勝
程正
千田大介
中鉢雅量
丁鋒
江尻徹誠
榎並岳史
遠藤啓介
遠藤隆俊
榎本渉
藤本猛
藤田純子
藤原松三郎
藤原祐子
藤善眞澄
古松崇志
濱田瑞美
原美和子
橋本雄
服部一隆
林温
檜垣馨二
東英寿
平田茂樹
本田治
本田精一
本田濟
胡建明
黄正建
市來津由彦
伊原弘
井原今朝男
池田証寿
池田知久
池澤滋子
今泉牧子
稲畑耕一郎
井上正夫
井上徹
石橋五郎
石田肇
石井正敏
石井進
石塚敬大
板倉聖哲
岩井祐泉
岩本篤志
井澤耕一
筧文生
垣内景子
上川通夫
金子由紀
兼安保明
菅野成寛
粕谷良介
勝山稔
河辺隆宏
川勝守
見城光威
木村明史
木下鉄矢
岸本美緒
小早川浩大
小林義廣 [End Page 255]
河内春人
小泉和子
小島毅
小南一郎
今場正美
近藤一成
小高修司
久保田和男
熊本崇
栗田陽介
黒田日出男
李静傑
林鳴宇
林士民
劉浦江
劉淑芬
劉玉才
劉子瑜
盧偉
前村佳幸
牧角和宏
松本浩一
松本信道
松本武晃
松尾肇子
松尾幸忠
松下道信
眞柳誠
苗書梅
緑川英樹
三上喜孝
三笠景子
三野豊浩
三宅良幹
溝口雄三
水谷誠
毛利英介
森公章
森正夫
森田憲司
森實久美子
村上哲見
村越貴代美
永井政之
長尾秀則
中裕史
中純子
中林広一
中原健二
中島楽章
中嶋隆藏
中嶋敏
中村一紀
中尾彌繼
中尾良信
二階堂善弘
西上勝
西野悠紀子
西尾歩
西尾賢隆
西奥健志
西脇常記
許山秀樹
能仁晃道
岡元司
岡田研吉
岡田充博
岡村繁
岡野誠
大河内孝史
大森信徳
恩田裕正
小野泰
大澤正昭
大島立子 [End Page 256]
大津透
尾崎裕
朴美子
錢志煕
秦兆雄
佐立治人
佐川正敏
齋藤圓眞
斎藤忠
佐々木達夫
佐藤仁
佐藤錬太郎
佐藤秀孝
佐藤貴保
佐藤保
澤崎久和
妹尾達彦
斯波義信
柴田篤
椎名宏雄
島尾新
清水浩一郎
志野好伸
塩卓悟
塩見邦彦
小路口聡
副島一郎
須江隆
末木文美士
鈴木敬
鈴木正弘
高橋弘臣
高橋昌明
高橋稔
高橋智
高橋忠彦
高橋芳郎
高村雅彦
高津孝
竹田晃
竹浪遠
竹澤英輝
田中秀樹
種村和史
谷端昭夫
冨田孔明
戸崎哲彦
土田健次郎
土屋太祐
津田徹英
辻尾榮市
塚本麿充
津坂貢政
塘耕次
内田啓一
内山精也
宇佐美一博
牛尾弘孝
王瑞来
王水照
王兆鵬
呉松弟
山田明廣
山際明利
山口智哉
山川均
山本元隆
山本和義
山本勉
山根直生
山岡泰造
山内晋次
山崎覚士
矢田博士
衣若芬
横山健一
吉井和夫 [End Page 257]
與座良一
湯浅陽子
張高評
張鳴
張文利
鄭寧
鄭小南 [End Page 258]