Human Rights in Occupied Cyprus and in Albania (review)

144 Reviews rural areas. Furthermore, it would have been interesting to have been given more information on the causes of crimes, both for men and women, information of a more concrete nature than the theories the author presents. For example, how many crimes are drug related and how many are a result of poverty. In conclusion, I must say that the author's laudable goals of bringing about gender equality and of speculating about its impact on female criminality are marred by methodological sloppiness, unnecessary repetitiveness, and a confusing narrative. The text is more like a poorly organized outline that includes questions to be posed, critiques of theories, areas for further research, and opinions. Nevertheless, for one unfamiliar with the subject this volume is a useful reference that includes some interesting comparisons of Greek female criminality with female criminality in other European countries. Adamantia Pollis New School for Social Research Marangopoulos Foundation for Human Rights, Human Rights in Occupied Cyprus and in Albania. Athens: Sakkoulas. 1990. Pp. 52. This slim volume, published in the same monograph in both English and Greek, is another in the series issued by the Marangopoulos Foundation. It consists of the presentations made at a roundtable that was held on 20 March 1990 at the University of Athens. Each of the articles is brief, setting forth legal issues relating to the matter under consideration. In fact only two of the five articles deal specifically with Albania and Occupied Cyprus. The others give an introductory orientation to the "International Bill of Human Rights" and to the protection of those rights. None of the articles includes a political analysis, except Byron Theodoropulos's, which in a few words argues that the various international and human rights documents were essentially a result of political calculations and motivations. Unfortunately, the article by Vlassios Socratidis on Albania is outdated. While the Hoxha-Alia regime had not collapsed at the time this roundtable was held, social unrest, which by July 1990 had brought the storming of foreign embassies, was already evident. Nevertheless, this is a competent legal analysis of the constitutional provisions, codes, and practices that led to massive violations of rights in Albania. Although the author rightly speaks of the particular repression against ethnic minorities, in particular against Greeks, he is to be commended in making it clear that the rights of all Albanians, including their freedom of religion, were violated. Similarly, the article by Marangopoulos on northern Cyprus is a detailed listing of the Turkish-occupied regime's human rights violations that are incorporated in various international human rights documents. It should be Reviews 145 noted that, by contrast with Stalinist Albania, Turkey is a signatory to these human rights documents. No improvement has taken place regarding human rights, and the author rightfully emphasizes the particular tragedy of the missing Cypriots. While this volume—in particular the presentation by Christos Rozakis— is informative for one who has no familiarity with the position of human rights in international law or for one who has no idea of conditions in occupied Cyprus or in Albania during the Stalinist era, it contributes little that is new. It would have been more significant if the authors had ventured into suggestions regarding what actions could be taken to protect human rights more effectively in general, in Cyprus in particular, and in struggling post-communist Albania. Such suggestions, however, would have taken the authors beyond their self-imposed legal parameters. Adamantia Pollis New School for Social Research Helsinki Watch, Denying Human Rights and Ethnic Identity: The Greeh of Turkey. New York. 1992. Pp. 54. This booklet was prepared by Lois Whitman, deputy director of Helsinki Watch, the well-known and respected human rights organization, following an investigatory mission in Greece and Turkey. In plain, unemotional, and succinct language, the text documents through statistics, texts, and testimony, including the responses of both governments, the devastation and deracination of the Greek communities in Istanbul and in Imbros-Tenedos between 1923 and the present. Certain numbers tell their own story: Istanbul Greek population (including Greek and Turkish nationals) in 1923 110,000, now 2,500; school population in 1923 15,000, now 410. In the 1955 anti-Greek riots...