- A Problem for the Preposition Stranding Generalization
Following the original proposal by Ross (1969), Merchant (2001) has convincingly argued that sluicing (Ross 1969, Chung, Ladusaw, and McCloskey 1995, Merchant 2001, Chung, to appear) results from the deletion of an IP following wh-movement, as illustrated in (1).
(1) John was dancing with someone, but I don't know [CP whoi [IP John was dancing with ti]].
From this kind of analysis, two of the most striking features of sluicing follow straightforwardly: the case-matching phenomena in languages that display case in the wh-element (see Merchant 2001 for details) and the Preposition Stranding Generalization (PSG). This squib offers new data from Brazilian Portuguese (BP) that question the robustness of the latter.
1 The Preposition Stranding Generalization
Languages differ with regard to the licensing of preposition stranding (P-stranding) in overt wh-constructions: it is allowed only in some [End Page 349] Germanic languages (such as English), but not elsewhere. The same pattern holds for sluicing.
2. English
John was dancing with someone, but I don't remember (with) whoi John was dancing ti.3. French
Jean dançait avec quelqu'un, mais je ne me
Jean danced with someone but I not myself
souviens pas *(avec) qui Jean dançait.
remember not (with) who Jean danced
'Jean was dancing with someone, but I don't remember with who.'
Merchant (2001), drawing on a sample of 18languages, shows that this pattern is crosslinguistically robust and proposes the PSG.
(4) Preposition Stranding Generalization
"A language L will allow preposition stranding under Sluicing iff L allows preposition stranding under regular wh-movement."(pp. 92, 107)
2 A Problem for the Preposition Stranding Generalization
However, BP offers a direct counterexample to (4), since BP is a non-P-stranding language that allows P-stranding under sluicing. (5a) and (5b) show that wh-movement requires pied-piping of the preposition com 'with', and (6b) illustrates that despite this fact, BP allows P-stranding under sluicing.
5.
a. Com quemi que a Maria dançou ti?
with whoi that the Maria danced ti
'With whom did Maria dance?'b. *Quemi que a Maria dançou com ti?
whoi that the Maria danced with ti
'Who did Maria dance with?'6.
a. A Maria dançou com alguém, mas eu não lembro
the Maria danced with someone but I not remember
com quemi a Maria dançou ti.
with whoi the Maria danced ti
'Maria danced with someone, but I don't remember with who.'b. A Maria dançou com alguém, mas eu não lembro
the Maria danced with someone but I not remember
quemi a Maria dançou com ti.
whoi the Maria danced with ti
'Maria danced with someone, but I don't remember who.' [End Page 350]
It is important to note that all the several native speakers consulted judged the variants in (6) to be entirely acceptable and mutually interchangeable. 1 Similar judgments were likewise reported for a number of prepositions.2
This is clearly distinct from what Merchant (2001:98-102) reports for related Romance languages with no overt case marking, such as French and Spanish. Although some speakers judged the equivalent of (6b) as marginally acceptable in these languages, these seemingly problematic judgments varied widely across speakers and seemed to be elicited only with a small set of prepositions.
In the same vein, fronting the sluiced question, which has been reported to make PSG effects reemerge in Mexican Spanish, as shown in (7a),3 does not have parallel or similar effects in BP (see (7b)). Both variants of (7b) were deemed acceptable by our informants.
7.
a. Ana habló con alguien, pero *(con) quien, no sé.
Ana talked with someone but (with) who not know
'Ana talked to someone, but (to) who I don't know.'b. A Ana falou com alguém, mas (com) quem eu não
the Ana spoke with someone but (with) who I not
sei.
know
'Ana spoke with someone, but (with) who...