During the past century, national elections in the United States have rarely included a significant showing by a third party. Political parties other than the Republican and the Democratic have usually suffered from limited constituencies, either regionally or in terms of issues. An extremely interesting phenomenon, therefore, was the presence of a “third” party in 1968. Before the Fall elections, it was believed to have had considerable appeal across the country. George Wallace’s American Independent Party (or occasionally, American Party or Independent Party) was frequently discussed as having the best opportunity since Theodore Roosevelt’s efforts in 1912 of upsetting the political plans of the two larger parties. The general results of the 1968 Presidential Election are known. Although receiving the electoral support of nearly 10 million voters, Wallace polled over half of this total in eleven Southern states. Furthermore, the American Independent Party carried only five states, all in the Southeast: Arkansas, Louisiana, Mississippi, Alabama, and Georgia. The 1968 Wallace-for-President effort, therefore, has some appearances of the limited regional appeal typical of third-party activities in Presidential politics.(1) Less clear than the general results are the characteristics and spatial pattern of elector support. This paper reports briefly upon preliminary research which deals with voter characteristics and the distribution of voter support for George Wallace in 1968. Data have been analyzed by statistical methods for eight states in the Southeast: North and South Carolina, Ten nessee, Georgia, Florida, Alabama, Mississippi, and Louisiana. Although Wallace received many votes in Arkansas, Virginia, Texas, and Kentucky, among other states, data for one of the variables considered important to the analysis were not available for these states.(2) Visual examination of the election results is extended to include Virginia and Arkansas. ORGANIZATION AND LIMITATIONS. The analyses presented here have been divided into three sections. First, the county-to-county distribution of Wallace vote is examined. This pattern is the per cent of votes received by Wallace from the total number cast in each county. Second, an attempt is made to identify some of the significant characteristics of Wallace supporters. This attempt is made through statistical analysis of county population