We are unable to display your institutional affiliation without JavaScript turned on.
Browse Book and Journal Content on Project MUSE
OR

Find using OpenURL

Pound, BLAST, and Syndicalism

From: ELH
Volume 60, Number 4, Winter 1993
pp. 1015-1031 | 10.1353/elh.1993.0004

In lieu of an abstract, here is a brief excerpt of the content:

ELH 60.4 (1993) 1015-1031 ;

On February 27, 1912, The Times of London printed an alarming lead story about a "conspiracy," or "at least a scheme," to place the ownership of British coal mines in union hands. The Times's account of the surfacing of an incendiary pamphlet, "The Miner's Next Step," followed several weeks' coverage of an impending industry-wide strike. Excerpts quoted from the pamphlet urged a takeover of the industry through a program "quickened and animated by... a militant aggressive policy." A follow-up story entitled "Syndicalism in South Wales" headlined The Times on the 28th. "The Miner's Next Step," it was learned, had been printed in Tonypandy, a site of recent bloodshed between strikers and police. Authorship of the pamphlet was traced to members of the South Wales Miner's Federation, a union with syndicalist ties. The pamphlet's call for direct action and industrial solidarity was linked to syndicalist labor leader Tom Mann, who in 1911 had called Britain's working class to battle on behalf of a miner's minimum wage. On March 1, The Times's headline read: COAL INDUSTRY AT A STANDSTILL, 800,000 MINERS IDLE. Buried in the same issue was a review of the March 1 exhibit of futurist paintings at London's Sackville Gallery.

The futurist sweep of London is well documented. 40,000 attended the Sackville show, and Marinetti's pronunciamentos were fast absorbed by a range of young artists. Marjorie Perloff is among the latest of scholars to have considered the London art world's reception of Marinetti's Italian avant-guerre movement; and her book is the first to project futurism's impact, through Ezra Pound, on the growth of American poetry. The Futurist Moment reads futurism as the pre-war art world's embrace of technological advances in communications and the print media especially: Marinetti's revolution was, among other things, an incorporation onto canvas and onto the literary page of the jarring appeal of the advertising poster. The clamor of performance, of mass culture event, had invaded a previously staid arena.

Pound was not politically active before World War I, but his writings from the period around Marinetti and BLAST show that the flooding of his own art with such technological influences was accompanied by a layering of his aesthetics with political terms. The ethics of writing -- the crafting of poems for the truing of the world -- was an early concern of Pound's. When Pound first came to England, Pre-Raphaelitism provided a model for him of an art that, in its vanguard medievalism, nourished and informed its culture. But by 1913, Rossetti and Swinburne and Morris had lost credibility. The Pre-Raphaelites had drawn from the writings of John Ruskin in centering their aesthetic and societal aims on medieval art and its guild production. Ruskin's applied legacy -- the Arts and Crafts movement -- appealed to early twentieth-century Fabian socialists, who adapted it to their own program of political reform, making a literally "didactic," rather than an integrally "moral," practice of art. Ethical force was diffused in politics itself, a system of signification that made issues of instances. The soundness of art belonged to another era.

Futurism offered to restore the ethical force of art by providing modern substitutes for the lost vitality of Ruskin's Middle Ages, an epoch of pre-industrial reciprocity between art, artisans, and culture. One new source of futurism's aesthetic "energy" was the anarchist labor movement in England. British syndicalism, like the continental syndicalism of Marinetti's "crowds in the excitement of labour," roused an economically displaced populace by exploiting more the visionary than the ideological character of politics. In rallying workers first under "union" rather than "class" banners, British syndicalists sought enfranchisement not through the vote or the party, but through the workers' own sources of power: industrial sabotage, "ca-canny," the slow-down, the strike. Whether it was syndicalism's social aims that appealed to the young Pound and his radical associates, or whether it was syndicalism's invigorating means, the movement caused a stir among the group that received Marinetti. Militant trade unions provided a modern industrial analog to the...


You must be logged in through an institution that subscribes to this journal or book to access the full text.

Shibboleth

Shibboleth authentication is only available to registered institutions.

Project MUSE

For subscribing associations only.