Immigrants, Unions, and the New U.S. Labor Market (review)

Employers, scholars and activists frequently argue that immigrant workers are "unorganizable" due to fear, immigration status and the fact that many immigrants work in the secondary and informal labor markets. In Immigrants, Unions, and the New U.S. Labor Market Immanuel Ness shows us that immigrants are not only "organizable," but often organize themselves with or without the assistance of labor unions.¹ In fact, Ness argues that immigrants are more likely to organize than their native-born counterparts.

Ness provides us with three well researched and compelling case studies of immigrant worker organizing in New York City – greengroceries (small corner grocery stores, supermarket delivery and black car service (private for-hire vehicles). In the first case study, thousands of mostly Mexican immigrants fought against exploitative working conditions (12-hour work days, no benefits and below-minimum wages) in small greengroceries. They founded an organization called the Mexican American Workers Association (AMAT). In 1998 AMAT began working with the Union of Needletrades Industrial and Textile Employees Local 169 (UNITE) and the Lower East Side Community Labor Coalition (CLC). Although workers won improved conditions and the implementation of an industry wide code of conduct, the union campaign fell apart. Ness argues that the battles between Local 169 and UNITE's national leadership, as well as between UNITE and the UFCW on jurisdictional issues, ultimately undermined immigrant worker organizing.

In the second case, supermarket delivery workers fought against their independent contractor status. The industry had once been unionized, but the Retail, Wholesale and Department Store Union (RWDSU) actively collaborated in de-unionizing the bagging and delivery worker classifications in the 1980s. As a result, West African workers who now dominated the industry labored under deplorable sweatshop conditions. Workers organized a two day strike and then approached UNITE Local 169 for assistance. UNITE helped the workers form the African Workers Association (AWA), but its involvement stopped when the RWDSU claimed jurisdictional authority over the workers. In the end workers became part of the RWDSU and won collective bargaining agreements. However, we again see that jurisdictional battles between unions and the exclusion of militants from contract negotiations impeded rank and file democracy along the way.

The final organizing drive involves South Asian immigrants in the black car industry. Similar to workers in the other two cases, South Asian immigrant black car drivers worked long hours, earned low wages, and had to pay for their own insurance. As a relatively new industry, a result of the restructuring of the taxi industry, there were no pre-existing unions and no jurisdictional fights. Drivers started organizing for better working conditions and contacted the International Association of Machinists (IAM). The IAM fully supported the workers' campaign and strategy. Unfortunately, the Patriot Act, passed after 9/11, severely affected the organizing campaign. South Asian drivers were racially profiled, treated as terrorist suspects, and deported by the INS. Nonetheless, the union and the workers are still working to organize in the industry.

Through these case studies, Ness does an excellent job of showing us that immigrants are central to the revival of the U.S. labor movement. However, the book would have been strengthened by additional analysis in two areas: immigrant worker solidarity and anti-union policies and practices.

Ness argues that immigrant organizing is in large part a result of class solidarity based on ethnic identity, shared workplace experiences, and isolation. I agree, but it is also true that employers also use these tactics to "divide and conquer" workers. Workers are often divided along nationality and community lines. Did employers in any of these case studies try to divide workers against each other? If so, what explains the ability for workers to come together in solidarity with each other? Is ethnicity, and shared workplace experience enough to create solidarity? Furthermore, I wanted to hear about whether there was solidarity between workers across the three campaigns.

I agree with Ness's overall assessment that unions need to support...