From Confrontation to Negotiation: U.S. Relations with Cuba (review)

BOOK REVIEWS 231 Soviet naval strategy. A more expansive treatment of the importance of the Pacific in a European war (easily the strategy's single-most controversial point), as well as a discussion of the relationship between force structure and strategy (that is, risk) would have rounded out his work nicely. Since the maritime strategy was first publicized in 1986 it has generated debate, rebuttals, and rejoinders. Until now, however, no one has explained the strategy in such breadth, depth, and clarity within the confines of a coherent , historical context as Norman Friedman has. Unique in scope and elegant in style, The U.S. Maritime Strategy arrivesjust in time to enliven the national security debate that is sure to erupt as a new administration takes office. From Confrontation to Negotiation: U.S. Relations with Cuba. By Philip Brenner. Boulder, Colo.: Westview Press, 1988. 118 pp. $7.95/paper. Reviewed by William G. Ferroggiaro, M.A. candidate, The American University. Philip Brenner's From Confrontation to Negotiation: U. S. Relations with Cuba is to be welcomed by scholars, policymakers, and the general public as a book offering new appraisals of an old problem: the regularly miserable state of relations between the United States and Cuba, neighbors so close geographically yet so distant politically. For scholars and policymakers, Brenner's book debunks widely held myths about the relationship. For the public, this book serves as an essential tool for understanding the politics surrounding U.S.-Cuban relations. Brenner seeks to reinvigorate the domestic debate about Cuba. His first two chapters summarize U.S. involvement with Cuba since 1898. He then lays out the critical issues that stand between the two countries. Brenner then analyzes both states' domestic politics, as they affect U.S. -Cuban relations. Finally , the author prescribes "a sensible policy" derived from the preceding analysis. This is the merit of the book. Much of the United States' interest in Cuba has centered on perceived threats to U.S. security. Indeed, the most famous of which, the Cuban missile crisis in October 1962, threatened the security of the United States and the entire planet with the possibility of a nuclear war. Coincidentally, the placing ofoffensive nuclear weapons in Cuba occurred at perhaps the lowest ebb ofU.S.-Cuban relations. InJanuary 1961 the United States had broken off relations with Cuba and by April had organized Cuban exiles in the Bay of Pigs invasion. It is Brenner 's thesis that periods of bellicose rhetoric and hostile actions by the United States (including threatening naval maneuvers, the arming of rebels in Cuba, and attempts on President Fidel Castro's life), have had an effect opposite to their proclaimed goals. Whereas the Eisenhower and Kennedy administrations admittedly sought to overturn the revolution and stem Cuba's efforts to aid in the establishment of "other Cubas," U.S. tactics not only brought about further Cuban military buildups but also curtailed the release of political prisoners and aided in the legitimization and institutionalization of the revolution by confirming Cuban fears of an imperial hegemon to the north. 232 SAIS REVIEW Conversely, as Brenner notes, Cuba has been responsive to positive gestures by the United States. It is significant that U.S. security concerns aired during periods of thaw have generally been accorded a hearing— including such issues as Soviet influence in Cuba although this relationship remains fundamental to Cuban development. During a relaxation of tensions in the early 1970s, Cuba negotiated an antihijacking treaty with the United States, released large numbers of political prisoners, allowed exiles to visit the island, and relaxed emigration rules, among other moves. In addition, Brenner shows that domestic factors in both Cuba and the United States have influenced the development of policies that are not as monolithic as they may first seem. For example, in the United States, Cuban expatriates, U.S. business interests, anticommunist politicians, liberal groups, and researchers can find some common ground, while no particular group holds control over policy. Brenner's lucid prescriptions for a new policy toward Cuba are the highlight of the book, as he outlines steps to achieve these goals. He sees four goals to be met in applying the new policy: the enhancement...