The New Cambridge Medieval History VII, c.1415-c.1500 (review)

192 Reviews ideas are dense and sometimes difficult. Several key documents are reprinted as appendices at the end of the text, complete with interpolations and deletions. Readers should also beware that, although the dates are supposedly all N e w Style, some dates have clearly been kept as Old Style. Nevertheless, this book will be essential reading for any scholar w h o wishes to tackle the subject of early Elizabethan politics in a serious way. Although 'the British succession crisis' in its subtitle relates to Scotland almost as m u c h as to England, the book also sheds important (and often critical) light on Elizabeth herself as queen. Scholars interested in notions of gender and the construction of royal power will find it illuminating. Having dismembered the pantomime horse of 'Elizabeth and Cecil', it remains to be seen whether Dr Alford will one day continue on and explore Cecil's evolution into 'old Lord Burghley'. Paul E. J. Hammer Department of History University of Adelaide Allmand, Christopher, ed., The New Cambridge Medieval History VII, C.1415-C.1500, Cambridge, Cambridge University Press, 1998; cloth; pp. xxi, 1048; 1 colour plate, 24 b / w illustrations, 21 maps, 6 tables; R.R.P. AUS$150.00. In the table of contents, brief preface, and his conclusion, the ed the latest volume of the New Cambridge Medieval History clearly indicates his policy for distilling the history of Europe's fifteenth century into 'a unique, authoritative guide to medieval life and thought'. Thirty-two chapters are grouped in four categories, 'Government', 'Economic and Social Developments', 'Spiritual, Cultural and Artistic Life', The Development of European States': the selective application of the word 'development' is significant. The first chapter sets the scene. Jean-Philippe Genet's 'Politics: theory and practice' cogently argues that the fifteenth century is dominated by competitive states, war (a striking example is provided by Nancy Shields Kollman's chapter on Russia's single-minded pursuit of power), and the search for peace and order. Genet concludes that Reviews 193 during the fifteenth century 'political language burst into life', although his assertion that the use of literature in politics was 'the most significant innovation...the n e w role' in politics (p. 22) overlooks the earlier existence of mirror-of-princes and courtly literature, and the comrnissioning ofhistory as political propaganda. The theme ofpolitical development and power during the fifteenth century is given substance byAllmand's article on warfare which explains the dynamics of political development and the exercise of power through the economic causes of war, the establishment of permanent armies, the advent of artillery, naval warfare, and techniques to neutralise heavy cavalry. Technology increased the cost of war, and in turn this stimulated diplomatic activity and the centralisation of military authority in the state. The chapters on individual countries variously continue, the same themes. Scotland was fragmented and violent, lacking an ideological base to kingship, with an uncertain sense of Scottish identity, and a view ofgovernment as being in the king's person. This situation brought succession crises w h e n kings died young, leaving child heirs to govern. In contrast, northern Italian governance, power relations and political developments were vastly more complex. Michael Mallett takes on a difficult task in describing very different states each with complexities to be explained. A s Mallett tackles this huge task, his analyses of economic conditions, the emergence of class and cultural divisions within states, and elite connections across states, both clarify and confuse the picture until finally his argument emerges — that there was 'failure to create effective centralised states with coherent elites and a will to survive'. Not so different from Scotland after all. Bertrand Schnerb's 'Burgundy' explains h o w Burgundian expansionism w a s pursued with political manoeuvring, foreign relations, alliances and military force until the death of Charles the Bold in 1477. H e relates foreign policy to life in the Burgundian court, the nobility as patrons of the arts, and extends his narrative to the lower orders and regions under Burgundian control. Schnerb's discussion of Charles's reform of judicial, financial and military institutions is set beside assertions of Burgundian identity and independence from...