Addams, Jane, 1860-1935 -- Political and social views.
Women and peace -- History -- 20th century.
Women sociologists -- United States -- Biography.
Addams's pacifism grew out of her experiences working for social justice in Chicago's multi-national immigrant community. It rested on her well-tested conviction that justice and international comity could only be achieved through nonviolent means. While Addams at times used maternalist rhetoric, her pacifism was not based on a belief in woman's essential, pacifist nature. Instead, it was grounded on her understanding of democracy, social justice, and international peace as mutually defining concepts. For Addams, progress toward democracy, social justice, and peace involved both institutional reform and changes in moral, intellectual, and affective sensibilities. A person's sensibilities grow out of his or her experiences and change as that person encounters and reflects on new experiences. That is, acquiring new points of view entails reframing old viewpoints in light of the new experiences. In her speeches and writings, Addams often tried to foster such transitions. Addams's peace writings demonstrate that she believed there were many paths toward peaceful internationalism. Addams used many rhetorical frames, varying them in order to communicate most effectively with specific audiences. When Addams used maternalist rhetoric, she was showing how those who framed their experiences in these terms could revise and broaden this frame toward a peaceful internationalism.
Du Bois, W. E. B. (William Edward Burghardt), 1868-1963.
Democracy -- Philosophy.
Chauvinism and jingoism.
United States -- Foreign relations -- 2001-
The problem I am concerned with is not just the disconnect between advocating the use of cooperative, peaceful resolution of differences to foreign governments while unilaterally waging a war of aggression against them, but why President George Bush, as the leader of a democratic republic, does not feel constrained from pursuing unilateral actions as deliberate public policy. To demonstrate how his stance reflects the lack of a broad democratic sensibility in the United States, I begin unearthing public perceptions of unilateralism and its antithesis; namely, sympathetic understanding and cooperative action, which Jane Addams, W.E.B. DuBois, and other pragmatists argue are the necessary expressions of a democratic way of life. I will therefore focus on the public press rather than academic journals and on the earlier phase of the war in Iraq when the United States both acted unilaterally and defended its right not to cooperate with other nations.
unilateralism / democracy / cooperative action / Jane Addams / W.E.B. DuBois / chauvinism / Iraq / sympathetic understanding / empathy / ethnocentrism / war / United Nations
Iraq War, 2003- -- Prisoners and prisons, American.
Gender identity -- Political aspects -- United States.
Prisoners of war -- Abuse of.
Hegemony -- United States.
Revelations of the torture, murder, and maltreatment of prisoners at Abu Ghraib prison in Iraq came with sensational photographs of U.S. military personnel torturing Iraqi prisoners and forcing them to perform sexualized acts. Evidence of gross violations of international law, the photographs have been used by U.S. elites to construct a discourse not about war crimes but "prisoner abuse," some referring to the activities recorded as analogous to fraternity hazing. In this essay, I argue that the photos reflect complex reactions to the attacks of September 11, 2001, including a need to assert U.S. global dominance by punishing those who are, in American eyes, an inferior oriental enemy. The photographs are analyzed in the context of orientalism in the U.S. chain of command, a phenomenon linked to what feminists call "the politics of the gaze"—the vulnerability of women and other subalterns to virtual as well as actual violation by those in positions of domination. They are compared to evidence of other rituals of violence, such as lynching, orchestrated by elites and imitated by popular-culture entrepreneurs. The sexual politics of Abu Ghraib includes the deployment of female figures to brand, scapegoat, and repair the damage from discovery of the photographs, thereby trivializing the policies and behaviors of U.S. officials and eliding the American public's responsibility for the continued U.S. failure to condemn, much less to halt, the torture carried out in their name.
hegemony / torture / rituals of violence / war crimes / pornography / orientalism
This article examines the ever-changing position of women in post-monarchical Iraq. Ironically, many women's gains obtained under Saddam's Ba'athist regime were subsequently lost under the same regime. The end of Saddam's government in 2003 likewise led to contradictory outcomes for Iraqi women, empowering them in some ways and making them more vulnerable in others. Iraqi women themselves displayed a variety of dispositions, from the pre-2003 Ba'athist-controlled General Federation of Iraqi Women, to Shiite religious conservative women's groups, secular progressive Kurdish women's associations operating in autonomous Iraqi Kurdistan, and American-sponsored progressive women's organizations based in Baghdad. Disentangling the myriad experiences and trajectories of Iraqi women thus stands out as an important, complex, and overdue project for both gender studies and Middle East scholars. This article provides one of the first systematic and contemporary attempts to fill such a void.
gender / women / Iraq / Middle East / social movements / Kurdish / Shiite / Arab / Sunni
Obstacles to organizing peace can sometimes emerge because women have suffered previous sexual violence. Consequently, the frame through which they react to contemporary political situations, including peace demonstrations organized by transnational feminists, might at the core have an internal structure derived from previous violation that women then project to identify, modify, and contain controversy in external events. Therefore, closely examining the border between private and public spheres in women's lives might not always lead to progressive politics for women as a group, as some might hope. Rather, some women might attempt to recover from specifically sexual violence in previous wars, seizing upon discourse bound of national security. They may attempt to regain internal strength by fortifying gender identity that has been thrown into crisis, using nationalistic contours to reaffirm their sense of self. This might lead them to actively protest other women working for peace. Since trauma survivors exhibit modes of recounting life histories that vividly dramatize past events in order to draw attention to private pain in public, the force of such narrators who speak in the streets can upstage peaceworkers' events.
rape / trauma / sexual violence / upstaging transnational feminism
Teenagers, Palestinian Arab -- West Bank -- Political activity -- History.
Teenage girls -- West Bank -- Political activity -- History.
This article focuses on the observations and coping devices of 17- and 18-year-old Palestinian high school girls in regards to the violence in their streets, homes, and schools that occurred during the two Palestinian uprisings known as Intifadas against Israeli occupation in the West Bank towns of Ramallah and Bethlehem from 1987 to 2004. Based primarily on the oral histories and school diaries of the girls, this article underscores the ways that the Israeli occupation shaped the lives of many young women in Occupied West Bank, Palestine, and the variety of creative responses of these young women to conditions of urban warfare.
Palestine / Palestinian girls / high school / Israeli occupation / Intifadas / Bethlehem / Ramallah / oral history / diaries / nonviolent resistance
Nicaragua -- History -- Revolution, 1979 -- Personal narratives.
Women -- Nicaragua -- Biography.
This essay examines the autobiographical texts of Doris Tijerino, a Sandinista revolutionary from Nicaragua. Composed in 1974–1975, "Somos millones . . .": La vida de Doris María, combatiente nicaragüense (1977) was published in English in 1978 as Inside the Nicaraguan Revolution. Just one year later, the Sandinista triumph would demand that Tijerino's story be updated—as it was in her autobiographical narratives published in Denis Lynn Daly Heyck's collection Life Stories of the Nicaraguan Revolution (1990) and Margaret Randall's Sandino's Daughters Revisited (1994). My reading of her work draws to the fore questions of gender, violence, human rights, and revolutionary struggle in twentieth-century Latin America, the echoes of which might be heard in contemporary discussion of these same questions in a global context. My analysis of Tijerino's lifewriting reveals the impact of gender politics on representations of the national struggle in Nicaragua, most significantly in Tijerino's use of the trope of motherhood to characterize revolution and her emphasis on gendering the female revolutionary in prison.
Randall, Mercedes M. (Mercedes Moritz), 1895-1977. Improper Bostonian: Emily Greene Balch, Nobel peace laureate.
Balch, Emily Greene, 1867-1961.
Women and peace -- United States -- History -- 20th century.
Nationalism and feminism -- United States -- History -- 20th century.
Women political activists -- United States -- Biography.
Emily Greene Balch (1867–1961) was an international peace activist and social reformer who received the Nobel Peace Prize in 1946 for a lifetime of continuous work, primarily with women's organizations, for the cause of justice. Balch was a founding member of the Women's International League of Peace and Freedom and worked in an unofficial capacity with both the League of Nations and the United Nations. This essay brings Balch's work as a feminist peace activist into dialogue with contemporary issues, illustrating that the women of the early twentieth century faced many of the same issues that feminist peace activists continue to face today.
Balch / feminism / pragmatism / pacifism / World War I / WILPF / anti-imperialism / Woman's Peace Party
Reparations for historical injustices -- China -- Shanxi Sheng.
Rape victims -- Legal status, laws, etc. -- China -- Shanxi Sheng.
Women -- Violence against -- China -- Shanxi Sheng -- History -- 20th century.
Sino-Japanese Conflict, 1937-1945 -- Atrocities -- China -- Shanxi Sheng.
This article discusses cases of sexual violence committed by the Japanese Army in China during the Asia-Pacific War and the redress movement for Chinese rape survivors started in the 1990s. I focus particularly on campaigns launched by women in rural Shanxi province in the People's Republic of China. Unlike survivors of wartime rape and sexual slavery by the Japanese Army in other Asian and European nations, Shanxi women had to develop their movement without strong government and grassroots support in their home country. The ambivalent attitude of the Chinese government regarding individual Chinese citizens' demand for redress from the Japanese government and corporations responsible for the wartime atrocities led women in Shanxi and their supporters in the People's Republic of China and Japan to form a remarkable transnational alliance.
sexual violence / wartime rape / redress / Japanese military
Terrorism -- Prevention -- Government policy -- United States.
Brettschneider uses the Jewish fall harvest festival of Sukkot as a frame to analyze how the U.S. response to 9/11 plays out historical cycles of governmental repression where national tragedies and foreign "threats" are used to undermine civil liberty protections and crack down on segments of the domestic population. Using the lessons learned from the frail booths, called sukkot, she assesses the ways that the U.S. administration's response to 9/11 was unfortunately all too predictable despite its claim to the "unprecedented nature of the circumstances." When the World Trade Towers crumbled as if they were made of more than one hundred floors of sukkot, the very vulnerability of the fragile structure of the sukkah points out the hubris of methods that seek to abolish vulnerability "by all means necessary." Moreover, the holiday asks us to think about how the devices and methods of power that we rely on to make us secure are intimately implicated in the conditions that endanger us.
In the present climate of virulent Islamophobia, various U.S. circles are nevertheless opening up to Muslim and Arab American women. This phenomenon must be understood as a contemporary manifestation of colonialist patriarchal racism, which views "other" women as powerless victims of their own culture, while casting the men as threats that must be kept at bay. Consequently, many Arab women are delaying addressing critical gender issues, as they deal with the imprisonment, deportation, and "disappearing" of their male kin.
Islamophobia / Arab American women / Muslim Americans / vilification of Arab Americans / "othering" of Arab Americans
Group identity -- Political aspects -- United States.
Through interweaving personal experience and feminist analysis, I explore the meaning of silences as they emerge in attempts by U.S. Jews to discuss their political differences over the Israeli/Palestinian conflict. After briefly describing how feminists have interpreted classroom silences, I look at three activist moments in which I held back, rather than fully speaking my mind, in response to an attack on my Women in Black politics. These moments involved silence out of fear of powerlessness, silence arising from confusion about the ethical implications of a shared Jewish identity, and silence resulting from deference to male authority. The question I raise throughout the essay is: how can or should Jews relate to each other?
Jews / silence / Israeli/Palestinian conflict / feminist pedagogy / feminist activism / peace / Women in Black / identity politics
National security -- Law and legislation -- Israel.
This paper discusses the activities of Machsom Watch, a human rights organization of Israeli women who visit the checkpoints in the occupied West Bank daily to monitor the army's operation of the checkpoints and intervene when possible. The paper examines the presence of Israeli women at the checkpoints vis-à-vis both Israeli soldiers and Palestinian civilians, and it explores some gendered aspects of the occupation, as manifested in the checkpoints and in the activities of Machsom Watch.
Palestinian/Israeli conflict / checkpoints / human rights organization / gender and militarism
This article examines Socialist Zionism, the political philosophy that has indelibly shaped Israel's culture. In particular, this article reveals some of the ways in which this distinctly eastern European Zionism constructs gender and ethnicity in Israel, and how these constructions shape contemporary Israeli culture toward the radicalization of the conflict with the Palestinians. Simultaneously, it explores how Socialist Zionism has rendered invisible structural inequalities among Israeli Jews. Finally, this article describes the role of the Israeli military, a central Zionist institution, in both of these processes, as well as the role of Israeli peace and social justice organizations in countering militarism and promoting peace.
Zionism / Israel / militarism / conscientious objection / Arab Jews / Occupied Territories
Women -- Legal status, laws, etc. -- Afghanistan -- Congresses.
Women's rights -- Afghanistan -- Congresses.
Afghan women activists emphasize that the first and continuing need in Afghanistan is physical security, which will enable developments in education, health care, and women's fuller social and political participation. Recent legal and electoral reform from above does not yet substantially affect grassroots gender inequality, severe poverty, and lack of infrastructural development. Real reform will require long-term, culturally sensitive collaboration among Afghan women activists, other progressive Afghans, and would-be external supporters. The conference participants see such progress as possible for Afghanistan only in a progressive Islamic ideological environment, which does not yet exist.