Grammar, Comparative and general -- Interrogative.
Grammar, Comparative and general -- Ellipsis.
This article presents the observation that disjunction cannot take wide
scope in negative non-wh-questions and declaratives with a preposed
negative element. This rules out the alternative question reading for
non-wh-questions with preposed negation and the wide scope or reading
for neg-inverted declaratives. We show that effects parallel to the
ones associated with preposed negation can be reproduced in affirmative
non-wh-questions and declaratives when focus is involved. We
propose that preposed negation in non-wh-questions and preposed negative
adverbials in declaratives necessarilycontribute focus marking
(in particular, verum focus) and argue that the lack of wide scope
disjunction reading in both declaratives and non-wh-questions results
as a by-product of the interaction between focus and the LF syntax
of disjunctive structures, which we argue involves ellipsis.
The Inconsistency Detection Learner (IDL) is an algorithm for language
learning that addresses the problem of structural ambiguity.If
an overt form is structurally ambiguous, the learner must be capable
of inferring which interpretation of the overt form is correct by reference
to other overt data of the language.The IDL does this by attempting
to construct grammars for combinations of interpretations of the
overt forms, and discarding those combinations that are inconsistent.
The potential of this algorithm for overcoming the combinatorial
growth in combinations of interpretations is supported by computational
results from an implementation of the IDL using an optimalitytheoretic
system of metrical stress grammars.
learnability, metrical phonology, language acquisition, Optimality
Fodor, Jerry A. Emptiness of the lexicon: reflections on James Pustejovsky's the generative lexicon.
LePore, Ernest, 1950-
This article takes up Fodor and Lepore's (1998) account of the meaning
of [want DP]structures, according to which the verb to have is introduced
at interpretation. With certain DP complements a want to have
DP paraphrase of want DP is ill formed; the correct paraphrase uses
get or give. To allow for this, F&L would have to vary the introduced
verb depending on the meaning of the DP, but this would make their
proposal "co-compositional," defeating its original purpose. If have,
get, and give all contain the abstract preposition PHAVE (Harley 1995,
Richards 2001), however, F&L's treatment may be appropriately revised:
the element introduced by want is not have but PHAVE. F&L
can avoid co-compositionality at the price of allowing lexical decomposition.
lexical decomposition, atomism, compositionality, idiom,
Kishimoto, Hideki. Indefinite pronouns and overt N-raising.
English language -- Pronoun.
English language -- Adjectivals.
English language -- Definiteness.
English language -- Attribute.
A number of authors have claimed that indefinite pronoun constructions
like everything red are formed by raising a noun (thing) over a
higher prenominal adjective (red). We examine phenomena in English
and other languages which appear to show that adjectives participating
in the indefinite pronoun construction do not correspond to prenominal
forms, but to postnominal ones. We evaluate the challenges these results
present for the N-raising account, showing that while some can
be met, others apparently cannot. This outcome calls for a reexamination
of postnominal position with indefinite pronouns.
This article evaluates a promotion-based analysis for Semitic relatives
along the lines of Kayne 1994 and compares it with an alternative
analysis that does not make use of promotion but shares with Kayne's
analysis an antisymmetric view of phrase structure. The alternative
analysis is based on establishing a parametric distinction relating to
categorial identity of the relative clause such that it is a CP in some
languages and a DP in others. The first type is found in languages
where the relative complementizer is the same as the normal complementizer
of sentential complementation (e.g., Hebrew). The second
type is found in languages where the relative complementizer is a
determiner (e.g., Amharic and Arabic). This difference is shown to
have crucial implications for the structure and derivation of N-initial
and N-final relatives, as well as for some relevant typological generalizations,
including a generalization relating to the phenomenon of (relative)
CP versus DP relative clauses, construct state versus free
state relatives, N-initial versus N-final relatives, external versus internal
French Bare Arguments Are Not Extinct: The Case of Coordinated Bare Nouns [Access article in PDF] Subject Headings:
Heycock, Caroline B. 1960- Coordinated bare definites.
French language -- Noun phrase.
French language -- Coordinate constructions.
The study of bare arguments mainly concentrates on the distribution
of bare plurals (BPs) while little attention is paid to coordinated bare
nouns (CBNs). The contribution of Heycock and Zamparelli (2003)
is a serious attempt to fill this gap, but the details of their analysis
lead to predictions that are not correct for French. I show that CBNs
exhibit surprisingly uniform behavior across languages, unlike BPs,
which are subject to crosslinguistic variation, as sketched by Longobardi
(2001). To account for these facts, I propose a modification of
Heycock and Zamparelli's analysis of CBNs.