This article proposes a feature-geometric analysis of the interpretable features of Infl, using
MINIMALIST syntax and DISTRIBUTED MORPHOLOGY. A small universal set of monovalent interpretable
features and a set of entailment relations among them provide the basis for a principled
account of the tense systems of English and Spanish. While each feature, each lexical item, and
each vocabulary item has a unified representation, surface polysemy is shown to arise from the
mappings between them. Crosslinguistic variation is shown to arise from the different features
chosen by each language and from the ways in which each language assembles its features into
lexical items and vocabulary items. In addition, the presence or absence of a dependent feature
F in a given language is shown to have important consequences for the semantic interpretation
of the feature dominating F. These three possible differences interact to produce the significant
superficial differences between the tense systems of the two languages.
In this article we describe and develop an optimality-theoretic (OT) analysis of foot-level
(secondary) and word-level (primary) stress in Nanti, a Kampa language of Peru. The distribution
of stress in Nanti is sensitive to rhythmic factors, syllable quantity, vowel quality, and to whether
a syllable is open or closed. The interaction of these independent variables produces a complex,
multigrade stress scale married to an iterative stress system whose default preference is alternating,
iambic rhythm. While each of the interacting factors in this system is familiar to phonologists,
Nanti is special because the particular combination of influences and factors in Nanti contributes
to a complexity of interactions that has not been documented in any other language to date.
This article offers a comprehensive analysis of the constituent-structure and linear-order properties
of English transitive and intransitive V-P constructions involving so-called 'particles' (turn
on the lights/the lights on, mess up the song/the song up, shut up, sit down, etc.). Drawing on
both standard and certain new evidence and arguments, it is proposed that V-P constructions
generally come in one or both of two varieties: lexical compounds (mess up in mess up the song)
and/or discontinuous verbs, that is, lexemes with more than one piece projected as a word or
phrase (mess . . . up in mess the song up), and that the alternation, for those that have both
manifestations, reflects different argument structure possibilities for a lexeme with the same overall
conceptual semantics. The internal structure of VPs built on V-P lexemes is examined in some
detail. The popular 'small-clause' approach, according to which the DP of transitive V-P structures
is the subject of a phrase that has the P as its predicate, is shown to be problematic, primarily
because there in fact exists a true small-clause construction that can have a P as its predicate and
the putative small clause of cases like mess the song up systematically lacks the defining properties
of this construction. The word-order restrictions that the small-clause approach is designed, in
part, to account for are shown to follow from a set of independently needed linearization constraints,
which are motivated by functional principles.
Baker, Mark C.
Two Types of Syntactic Noun Incorporation: Noun Incorporation in Mapudungun and its Typological Implications [Access article in PDF] Subject Headings:
Mapuche language -- Noun.
Mapuche language -- Syntax.
NOUN INCORPORATION (NI) in Mapudungun is different from NI in better-studied languages like
Mohawk in three ways: the incorporated noun is invisible to verbal agreement, incorporation into
unaccusative verbs is impossible unless a possessor is stranded, and possessors are the only
modifiers that can be stranded. These differences can be explained by saying that the trace of NI
retains its person, number, and gender features in Mohawk but not in Mapudungun. Those aspects
of grammar that do not involve these features treat NI in the two languages the same; thus, NI
has the same gross distribution and anaphoric possibilities in both languages. We extend these
results to Nahuatl, Chukchee, Ainu, Southern Tiwa, Mayali, and Wichita, showing that our theory
accounts for Mithun's (1984) distinction between Type III and Type IV noun incorporation in a
English language -- England -- Tyneside -- Phonology.
English language -- England -- Tyneside -- Phonetics.
English language -- England -- Tyneside -- Acquisition.
Segmental features of child-directed speech (CDS) were studied in a corpus drawn from thirtynine
mothers living in Tyneside, England. Focus was on the phonetic variants used for (t) in
word-medial and word-final prevocalic contexts since it is known that these variants display clear
sociolinguistic patterning in the adult community. Variant usage in CDS was found to differ
markedly from that in interadult speech. Effects were also found with respect to the age and
gender of the children being addressed. Speech to girls generally contained more standard variants
than speech to boys, which, by contrast, contained higher rates of vernacular variants. The differentiation
by gender was most apparent for the youngest children. The findings are assessed in
comparison to other studies of CDS. It has previously been claimed that modifications made in
the CDS register help children to learn linguistic structures and also to learn that speech is a
social activity. Our findings suggest that CDS may play an additional role, providing boys and girls
as young as 2;0 with differential opportunities to learn the social-indexical values of sociolinguistic