Labor unions -- Organizing -- California -- Los Angeles.
Industrial relations -- California -- Los Angeles.
Class consciousness -- California -- Los Angeles.
Labor studies scholars and union organizers agree that rank-and-file union drives are effective, even against union busters, anti-union consultants, and intransigent employers. This paper synthesizes organizers' analyses of such campaigns in Los Angeles to explain why rank-and-file union drives work. We suggest that anti-union campaigns create fairly standard and locally hegemonic anti-union workplace cultures. We examine struggles between management and unions around workplace social relations and control of space as a Gramscian war of position in which both sides seek to make their ideology and its emotional scaffolding workers' common sense. Our explanation for what successful rank-and-file strategies do also reveals some current limitations.
White collar workers -- Labor unions -- United States.
Professional associations -- United States.
Labor unions -- Law and legislation -- United States.
Surveys demonstrate that U.S. managers, like other workers, want greater voice at work. Many have joined organizations that represent employee interests: caucuses based on social identity, pressure groups, and professional associations. In varying degrees, these organizations use old union tactics such as mutual aid, skill-certification, and political activity. All these organizations have serious limitations. For the benefit of both managers and unions themselves, unions should increase their outreach to these organizations and employees. Public-sector unions often include some managers so they provide one model. However, methods of representation beyond collective bargaining are important here. Adequate representation of managers requires return to Sidney and Beatrice Webb's conception of unions as any continuous association of employees seeking to improve their working lives.
Consumer behavior -- United States -- Case studies.
Sweatshops are re-emerging across the globe. In the current neoliberal environment—which has unions, government protection of worker rights, and fair trade policies on the defensive—we propose a market-based strategy that relies on "conscientious consumers" to slow the global race to the bottom. To assess whether the consumer market in the United States could provide the added revenues needed to lift workers in the southern hemisphere up and out of poverty, we conducted an experiment in a department store in a working-class community in southeast Michigan to determine whether consumers would pay more for products certified as not made in sweatshops. Consumers were presented with two separate displays of ordinary athletic socks that were identical except for a label indicating that the socks in one display were produced under "good working conditions." After incrementing the price of the labeled socks over the course of several months, we found that most consumers preferred to pay less for the unlabeled socks, but nearly one in four was willing to pay up to 40 percent more for the labeled socks. Having documented the contours of this niche market for conscience consumption, we conclude by discussing the promises and challenges that face such a market-based strategy.
Some ideas of Reformist "uplift unionism," as exemplified by the nineteenth-century Knights of Labor, have once again become interesting. Arising in a time of hyper-competition and troubled times for traditional trade unions, the Knights aimed to reform society, primarily through solidarity among producers and the formation of cooperatives. Their local organizations often included social action groups along with trade unions. Under current conditions of international hyper-competition and trade union decline, some of the ideas of the old Knights have new importance. The current concept of unionism as a social movement can be grounded in Reformist notions, as can modern worker-rights organizations and the reasoning underlying the workers' capital movement. Reformism offers a coherent approach to these labor movement strategies.
Bacon, David, 1948- Children of NAFTA: labor wars on the U.S./Mexico border.
Strikes and lockouts -- Clothing trade -- Mexico -- Atlixco.
Canada. Treaties, etc, 1992 Oct. 7.
Union Women: Forging Feminism in the United Steelworkers of America, and: Class Action: The Story of Lois Jenson and the Landmark Case that Changed Sexual Harassment Law (review) [Access article in HTML][Access article in PDF] Subject Headings:
Fonow, Mary Margaret, 1949- Union women: forging feminism in the United Steelworkers of America.
Bingham, Clara. Class action: the story of Lois Jenson and the landmark case that changed sexual harassment law.
Gansler, Laura Leedy, 1958-
Women labor union members -- United States -- History.