The notion that most European immigrants "voted
with their feet" by fleeing oppression for the political and
religious freedom of the United States endures despite the
contrary findings of years of migration research. This article
calls the cliché into question in two ways. First, it presents
some of the main findings of immigration scholarship that
emphasize the role of labor and land, rather than freedom, as
the principal factors drawing migrants from Europe. Second,
the article applies methodologies from Begriffsgeschichte
(the history of concepts) to interpret linguistic and folkloric
sources from across Europe, discovering very different
perceptions of America among ordinary nineteenth-century
migrant sending communities. While some images were
positive, others ranged from metaphorical associations of
America with sleep, loss, and imprisonment, to satires of the
myth of unlimited abundance, and resentment of the
transformation U. S. society produced in many of the
emigrants who went there. Rather than celebrating American
exceptionalist credos by repeating platitudes about mass
popular enthusiasm for American freedoms, this article calls
for a more nuanced and deeper appreciation of the wide
range of symbolic meanings America held in the minds of
people who often left few written records of their views.
Gay men -- United States -- Periodicals -- History -- 20th century.
Gay men -- United States -- Identity -- History -- 20th century.
Gay liberation movement -- United States -- History -- 20th century.
Middle class men -- Sexual behavior -- United States -- History -- 20th century.
This article analyzes gender anxieties in the
post-World War II McCarthy-era gay rights movement
known as the "homophile movement" in the United
States. Using survey data gathered by these pioneering
gay rights organizations as well as letters written to ONE magazine (the first gay magazine in the U.S.,
1953-1967), "Unacceptable Mannerisms" demonstrates
that homophile movement leaders worried about the
negative social impact of stereotypical iconic
representations of effeminate male homosexuals while
rank-and-file homophiles worried about specific threats
to their livelihoods caused by the visibility of effeminate
male homosexuals. The homophile movement thus
boldly challenged prevailing conceptualizations about
sexuality during the 1950s yet simultaneously reinforced
the hegemonic masculinity characteristic of broader
postwar American gender patterns.
Homophile anxieties regarding "swishy" behavior
underscore a paradox about homosexual visibility in the
1950s. The homophile movement sought to create a positive
collective homosexual image modeled on an idealized
middle-class white-collar worker. At the same time, the
movement discouraged individual visible markers of
homosexual identity such as effeminacy. This paradox is
partly explained by the increasingly middle-class character of
gay identity after World War II; this trend reflects a broader
shift toward middle-class identity in American society
during these years.
Clarkson, William Berry -- Political and social views.
Clarkson, William Berry -- Sexual behavior.
Jews -- England -- London -- Identity -- History -- 20th century.
Disguise -- Social aspects -- England -- London -- History -- 20th century.
London (England) -- Race relations -- History -- 20th century.
Questions of identity and disguise long fascinated
English culture. A society made anxious by shifting class,
gender, and racial relationships was naturally preoccupied by
dress and role playing, by visual codes and clues. The
investigation of the life of Willy Clarkson--the man who
probably knew more about costumes and disguises than any
other individual in the early twentieth century--allows us to
understand why the public was at specific times particularly
sensitive to the employment of certain disguises, and so
provides us with a new view of the cultural preoccupations of
the inter-war years. The purpose of the essay is not simply to
tease out the reasons why one man led a double life, but to
reveal how such disparate deviances as homosexuality,
Jewishness, and criminality could be linked in the public mind
and why a society, which in principle praised candor and
condemned subterfuges, in practice fostered a culture of
Working mothers -- Netherlands -- Social conditions -- 20th century.
Working mothers -- Family relationships -- Netherlands -- History -- 20th century.
Public welfare -- Netherlands -- History -- 20th century.
'Breadwinner welfare states' are characterized by the
distinction they draw between work and family life, between
earning fathers and caring mothers. Dutch welfare arrangements
organized do-it-yourself mothering more radically than
elsewhere in Europe. Married women participated less often in
the labor market and collective facilities for child care were
Since the 1970s, the number of working mothers has increased;
after the 1990s it became official policy to stimulate labor
participation from all adults, mothers included. But saying
goodbye to the Dutch heritage of traditional domestic mothering
remains problematic. The increase in paid employment for
mothers causes confusion about the relationship between public
and private domains.
Welfare schemes are ill-adjusted to a situation in which both
men and women participate in the labor market. This can be
especially seen in the unsystematic organization of school
dinners, modeled on the patterns found in the home. Dinner
ladies work in the margins of the employment market; what they
do is not seen as 'real work', they are not trained to 'educate' the
children, schools tend to regard them as outsiders and treat them
with condescension. Children will then imitate the arrogant
behavior they observe from their teachers and parents.
Poisoning -- Social aspects -- Martinique -- History -- 19th century.
Slaves -- Martinique -- Social conditions -- 19th century.
Martinique -- Social conditions -- 19th century.
Though poisoning by slaves has been identified and
studied in many Atlantic societies, the case of Restoration era
Martinique is unique for both its scale and its periodization.
While Caribbean historians have argued the phenomenon
was disappearing by the 19th century, in Martinique
planters became obsessed with slave poisoning as a threat to
the very "survival of the island" during the 1820s. Many
planters believed that poisoning almost always originated
with the most loyal and dutiful slaves, and that free people of
color were complicit. This article argues that the terror that
spread among planters was largely the result of the specific
cultural, psychological, and economic pathologies of the end
of French slavery. Rather than seeking a purely materialist
approach, the competing cultural meanings of poison should
be understood in relation to this changing context. Though
many historians have tended to caricature slave resistance,
the dynamic analyzed here confirms the willful agency of
enslaved people. At the same time, planters' inability to come
to terms with the perceived threat of poisoning undermined
their demands for autonomy from the French state, and
paved the way for a new metropolitan-colonial relationship.
Alcohol -- Government policy -- Côte d'Ivoire -- History -- 20th century.
France -- Colonies -- Africa -- Administration.
Why, at a time when alcohol made a substantial
contribution to colonial economies in West Africa, did the
French governor of Côte d'Ivoire launch a temperance
campaign in 1912? This question serves as the starting point for
an exploration of the ways in which economic, social, and
cultural ideas interacted and shaped French policies on social
problems in the colonies. Linking together metropolitan and
colonial histories of drink, and placing Côte d'Ivoire in a
broader regional context in which British West African
governors were reluctant to embrace temperance movements,
the article finds that temperance was one aspect of a
consolidation of state power in Côte d'Ivoire that entailed
greater French intervention in Africans' daily lives. The
governor's campaign benefited briefly from its appearance at the
same time as an African temperance movement, but in the long
run the economic and cultural imperatives that favored the
importation of French wine tended to undermine the argument
that alcohol was harmful to taxpaying Africans.
Conservatism -- Tennessee -- Memphis -- History -- 20th century.
Memphis (Tenn.) -- Race relations -- History -- 20th century.
Memphis, Tennessee was renowned for its restrictive censorship policies in the
mid-20th century. This article argues that racial considerations overrode traditional
concerns regarding sex or violence in the formulation of those policies.
More specifically, the article outlines three stages of race-based censorship. The
first stage developed in the 1940s, as a censorial regime predicated upon suppressing
threats to the racial status quo of white supremacy began cutting images of
African Americans in non-servile roles. Beneath this lay a sexualized but unarticulated
understanding of "social equality," a favored phrase of Memphis censor
Lloyd Binford. This underlying meaning rose to the forefront in the 1950s, as
Memphis officials responded to Supreme Court decisions and increased Hollywood
frankness with a racialized construction of obscenity, this time directed
toward depictions of interracial sex or romance. Finally, as overt racism lost its
political cachet, New Right mayor Henry Loeb used outcries over pornography
as part of a strategy to discursively displace the racial issues facing Memphis by engineering new moral crises, helping to pave the way for Nixon’s tactic of
In Galveston, Texas--the small but thriving seaport
that served as the state's commercial emporium--poor whites
and enslaved African-Americans often interacted in ways
uncommon in southern slave society and unsettling to the
slaveholders whose economic, social, and political dominance
required a unified white commitment to black inferiority. Social
interaction among enslaved black and "common" white people,
who shared few of the material advantages of white supremacy,
represented a dangerous blurring of established racial lines and
posed a potential threat to the social control of slaveholders and
to the rigid hierarchy of southern slave society. Such relations
developed as African-American bondspeople and white casual
laborers spent much of their time together working at menial and
arduous tasks; living side-by-side in impoverished
neighborhoods; and socializing in homes, liquor stores, brothels,
As in other antebellum port cities, the degree of
interracial socialization in Galveston worried the slaveholding
elite to such an extent that the city repeatedly passed laws
carrying increasingly harsh penalties designed to draw more
clearly the color line between black and white workers.
examining such interaction, this article challenges the
"whiteness" interpretation of antebellum labor history, which
argues that white workers became virulently racist in order to
distance themselves from black people.
Rodger, N. A. M., 1949- Command of the ocean: a naval history of Britain, 1649-1815.
Gilje, Paul A., 1951- Liberty on the waterfront: American maritime culture in the Age of Revolution.
Wilson, Kathleen. Island race: Englishness, empire, and gender in the eighteenth century.
Wilson, Kathleen, ed. New imperial history: culture, identity, and modernity in Britain and the Empire, 1660-1840.
Fisher, Michael Herbert, 1950- Counterflows to colonialism: Indian travellers and settlers in Britain, 1600-1857.
Great Britain -- History, Naval -- 18th century.
United States -- History, Naval -- 18th century.
This essay reviews recent scholarship in oceanic
and imperial history in the context of the twentieth
anniversary of the publication of Marcus Rediker's classic
book, Between the Devil and the Deep Blue Sea. It offers a
critique of Atlantic History as it is currently practiced and
proposes a new category, "coastal history," to describe
scholarship that engages with oceans but does not center
upon them. In evaluating work by N.A.M. Rodger, Paul
Gilje, Kathleen Wilson, Michael Fisher, and others, the
essay explores how ships and sailors both are, and are not,
representative of the social history of islands and coastal