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  • Catholicism and the Roots of Nazism: Religious Identity and National Socialism by Derek Hastings
  • Gerhard L. Weinberg
Catholicism and the Roots of Nazism: Religious Identity and National Socialism. By Derek Hastings (New York, Oxford University Press, 2010) 290 pp. $29.95 cloth $21.95 paper

In the later years of Nazi Germany and in the postwar era, first the Nazis themselves and subsequently the spokespersons for the Catholic Church found it expedient to minimize or deny their close connection during the early days of Nazism. From the perspective of a Party that had turned vehemently against Christianity, actively persecuting Catholic clergy and institutions, it clearly was not expedient for the Nazis when in power to emphasize the ties that they once had with the Church from 1919 to 1923. During the Nazi regime, when they were being persecuted, and in the postwar years when it had become fashionable to denounce that regime, Catholics were especially loathe to recall how many among them, including priests, had been enthusiastic participants in the formative years of a movement that was to bring horror and destruction to Germany and the rest of the world. Hastings deserves credit for lifting the veil of neglect and disinformation from an important aspect of the Nazi Party's early days.

Utilizing a truly enormous array of archives, contemporary newspapers, and magazines, as well as the relevant literature, Hastings demonstrates why certain Catholics around Munich, as opposed to those in other parts of Germany, were disposed to join the Nazi Party in the immediate post-World War I years. Their opposition to the Center Party that appealed to many Catholics throughout Germany, as well as their insistence on a greater degree of independence from Rome, led them to accept the platform of "positive Christianity" that comprised part of the Nazi Party's original and official program. By delving carefully and deeply into the contemporary press and other publications, Hastings reveals the reciprocity between Adolf Hitler's public avowal of his Catholic identity and the Catholic priests' encouragement of their congregants to join the Nazi Party. As would occur later and elsewhere in Germany, university students in post-World War I Munich who identified themselves as Catholics moved toward the party that appeared to share their nationalistic and antisemitic views. This political alliance came apart [End Page 629] when Hitler openly embraced racist movements, like Erich Ludendorff's anti-Catholic organization, for the attempted coup of November 1923.

In the aftermath of the failed coup, as Hitler became ever-more anti-Christian in his orientation and oratory, many, though not all, of the Catholic clergy who had supported the Nazis turned away from them. Hastings shows, however, how both sides of this growing divide retained two common elements from their prior relationship—a strident nationalism, which would eventuate into another war, and an extreme antisemitism, which already included repeated references to "extermination" as the appropriate direction of policy.

All that is missing from the book is a discussion of the origins and effects of the policies that were implemented in Bavaria after Hitler came to power due to the ongoing determined advocacy of politicians and clergymen.

Gerhard L. Weinberg
University of North Carolina
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