The conflict between the State of Israel and the Negev Bedouin over land is not new; State vs. nomadic land ownership is an on-going dispute originating as early as the Ottoman Empire. Illegal construction and land use are its widespread expressions, making it difficult for the State to supply basic needs to its citizens. Furthermore, the dispute creates obstacles to the development of the Negev for the benefit of all its inhabitants. This article will try to lay out the Government's approach, as the author perceives it, to the resolution of the land dispute, through reaching financial settlements with various Bedouin individuals and tribes. Monetary and land compensation have both been offered, along with the revival of the Land Title Settlement procedure, as part of a new Government policy.
The Arab-Israeli conflict has provided fertile ground for stereotypes, prejudices, and antagonistic dialogue between the two sides. This hostile atmosphere led to a lack of public and academic interest in Israeli culture on the part of Arab intellectuals until the late 1960s. The military defeat in the 1967 war persuaded various elements in the Arab world, particularly Egyptian and Palestinian, to invest a good deal of effort into gaining knowledge of the Israeli 'Other'. Research and translation activity on the subject of Israeli culture has broadened and improved over the years, but it is trapped between two conflicting attitudes to this culture. Scholars and translators close to nationalistic, leftist, and fundamentalist circles adopted an extreme antagonistic attitude, which emphasized the view of 'the Other' as alien and threatening; this standpoint encouraged tendentious methods of research and translation which supported and strengthened it. As against this, other scholars and translators adopted a liberal and pragmatic attitude, which did not negate fruitful dialogue with 'the Other'. This attitude encouraged more objective research and translation, which placed emphasis on the aesthetic and literary value of the translated texts.
The paper will argue that a central motive for the Soviet move was to halt and destroy Israel's nuclear development before it could attain operational atomic weapons; that this Soviet effort was accelerated by a direct message from Israel that despite its official ambiguity, it was bent on acquiring such weapons; that Soviet nuclear weapons were readied for use against Israel in case it already possessed, and tried to use, any nuclear device; and that the direct Soviet military intervention actually began with overflights of Israel's main nuclear facility by Soviet aircraft and pilots, in preparation for the planned attack on this target and/or in order to create such concern in Israel that would ensure its launch of a first strike.
Actions and defenses -- Political aspects -- Israel.
Courts were commonly regarded as a neutral arena to settle disputes between rivals who cannot solve their differences through other means of dispute resolution. In recent years however, greater attention is drawn to the role played by courts within the political process itself. This article sets out to examine the role of public litigation in the Israeli High Court of Justice as a vehicle of political participation. We will argue that the Court has become an avenue for: a) participation in decision-making processes, b) communication with official authorities, and c) protestation against these very same authorities.