We are unable to display your institutional affiliation without JavaScript turned on.
Browse Book and Journal Content on Project MUSE
OR

Download PDF

Back to Government? Reregulating British Railways
In lieu of an abstract, here is a brief excerpt of the content:

435 Back to Government? Reregulating British Railways Peter Leyland* Introduction This article examines questions of constitutional accountability arising from the privatization of British Rail in the mid-1990s, but I would like to declare a personal interest in this issue at the outset since the manifest shortcomings in rail performance have affected me as one of the many thousands of commuters who rely on trains to get to work each day. Rail privatization in the United Kingdom (U.K.) was a complex affair that involved taking a single industry and breaking it up into distinct parts. It also required separate regimes of statutory regulation to oversee the general operation of the railways, the bidding process for franchised routes, and safety. The entire enterprise lacked a clear rationale. Not only did the proposals appear flawed from the outset, but the policy was pursued by an unpopular government in the face of strong opposition from the rail industry and trade unions, opposition parties in Parliament, and the public at large. After a relatively short time it became obvious that standards of service were declining alarmingly on the entire rail network, and later, the cause of serious rail accidents indicated that passenger safety was being compromised through neglect of the system. The difficulties encountered by government in responding to what had rapidly turned into a crisis raise important legal and constitutional questions. This article begins by explaining the constitutional relationship of Parliament and the executive by mentioning the important convention of individual ministerial responsibility. Secondly, it provides a narrative of the British Rail episode that dis*Professor of Public Law, London Metropolitan University. This article originated from a contribution to the round table at the end of the symposium Back to Government? The Pluralistic Deficit in the Decisionmaking Processes and Before the Courts, June 2004. Papers from this symposium are published in 12 Ind. J. Global Legal Stud. 409, 409–716 (2005). I would like to thank Colin Scott and Professor Cosmo Graham for their help with the preparation of this article. This article was researched and written in the Autumn of 2004 before the Railways Act 2005 was approved by Parliament. In consequence, it has not been possible to take full account of changes made during the later parliamentary stages of the legislation which coincided with when the article went to press. 436 Peter Leyland cusses the main features of nationalization, privatization, and statutory regulation. However, this narrative is narrowly focused in order to concentrate attention on the main institutional failings and successive attempts to repair the damage. It will be suggested that the deep-rooted problems encountered in regulating a fragmented, loss-making railway expose the limits of regulation, and perhaps the limits of the privatization project in the United Kingdom. The Labour government continues to declare its commitment to public/private partnerships and free market principles, but we will see here that in a number of key respects, the levers of control are reverting back to government. I. Political Accountability and Ministerial Responsibility When considering regulation and accountability in this context, it is important to remember that the fundamental underlying issue is the protection of an important public interest which can be identified in distinct ways. This interest can be defined in terms of the preservation of a railway that serves the public and forms an important part of the nation’s transport infrastructure. And obviously, the public interest requires the efficient and safe operation of the rail network. In addition, large sums in public subsidy have been and continue to be spent on the railways. Finally, there is a public interest in the control of a monopoly power. In an important sense we are concerned with the capacity of government and of Parliament to safeguard the public interest defined in all these ways.1 In the United Kingdom, the convention of individual ministerial responsibility is the constitutional mechanism for establishing accountability between political decisionmakers and professional civil servants responsible for implementing policy. Further down the policy chain, accountability extends in varying degrees to “next steps” agencies as reconstituted administrative units within the civil service; nondepartmental governmental bodies, including regulators; and to certain aspects of policy to devolved government and...