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In Saul (1739) Handel evokes biblical instruments to make the Old Testament world of his oratorio vivid to his audience. The Harris family ’ s letters show that he did this very consciously. Besides the harp — David ’ s instrument — he evokes the sounds of the ‘ timbrells ’ (borrowing the Tower kettledrums to do so), the shalishim — his specially built ‘ tubalcain ’ , used, like the shalishim, once only, when the women of Jerusalem welcome the victorious Saul and David — and the calls of the shofar, which he suggested with the trombone, then obsolete in England. His care and trouble in obtaining these effects enlarge our recognition of the imagination, aptness and specifi city with which he used the orchestra to dramatize his texts.
Descriptions and illustrations of biblical instruments were available to Handel in the English translation of Augustin Calmet’s Antiquities Sacred and Profane (1724; 2/1725), and he could also have gleaned knowledge of the shofar from his Jewish subscribers, if not from fi rsthand experience. The ‘shofar calls’ suggest that ‘ The Feast of the New Moon’ at which Saul tries to kill his own son is no ordinary festival but one of the most holy, Rosh Hashanah, the Jewish New Year, an idea endorsed by reference to the librettist Charles Jennens’ s secondary source, Abraham Cowley ’ s epic Davideis , in which the same scene appears and is described as occurring on Rosh Hashanah. Saul thus adds to the Handel oratorios which mark a Jewish religious festival: Esther, Athalia, Israel in Egypt, Judas Maccabeus and Joshua.
Illustrations of ancient musical instruments appear in encyclopaedias, histories and general books on music from the 17th century onwards. This article examines the origins of some of these images, a number of which may be traced back to the early 17th century and to the so-called ‘ Paper Museum ’ of Cassiano dal Pozzo. The author also suggests that while later writers may deal critically with the text content of their sources, the illustrations have not been subject to the same level of scrutiny. Reproductions of images appear, often without acknowledgement, over a wide geographical area and considerable chronological span, disseminating visual information that becomes increasingly inaccurate. The lack of concern with illustrative detail sounds a warning about the use information gleaned from pictorial evidence, contained within often authoritative books, and the necessity to examine their sources.
Successful research into historical performance practice often relies on the integration of information from many kinds of textual and iconographical sources. However, artists frequently take liberties in depicting their subjects, and it is seldom a straightforward task to distinguish which aspects of a work are indicative of actual historical performance practice and which are the result of artistic licence. One way to address this issue is through so-called ‘ inferential statistical analysis ’ , by which the data gleaned from a representative sample of interest are compared against the mathematically derived probability that the same results could have occurred by chance. In this paper, the basic ideas and techniques of inferential statistical analysis are applied 332 early music may 2007 to the study of harp technique in late medieval and early Renaissance Wales. The results reinforce the conclusions drawn from textual and archaeological studies, and offer direction for modern players interested in playing early Welsh repertory in a historically informed way. More important, however, is the possibility that the empirical approach used in this study may be of use to scholars in any number of fi elds fascinated by questions of historical practice and reality. The use of inferential statistics offers the researcher an escape from the fallacy of pretending that the puzzle is comprised only of the pieces in sight. Rather, he or she can assess the quantity and quality of what they have learned, and make an informed decision about the path to pursue while remaining open to the very real possibility that things may be otherwise. The framework of historical awareness and quantitative savvy highlights the importance of the individual mind in the construction of history, and gives it a clear view of the problems and pitfalls it must overcome.
In 1554 Giovanni Pierluigi da Palestrina had his earliest edition, the Missarum liber primus, printed in Rome. This sumptuous folio choirbook was dedicated to his patron, Pope Julius III. This publication, along with his Primo libro di madrigali a quatro voce of 1555, marked an auspicious publishing debut for the composer. Yet for the next 17 years, Palestrina brought out only a handful of publications, while the works of his distinguished contemporary Orlando di Lasso were printed in great profusion. It was not until some 20 years later, in the 1570s, that Palestrina ’ s music, particularly his sacred works, emerged with more frequency from Roman and Venetian presses. Furthermore, it appears that the Roman composer did not gain widespread recognition until his twilight years, when Venetian editions of his sacred music began to appear in rapid succession.
Why were so few of Palestrina ’ s works published during the prime of his life? Why did he wait so long to see his music in print? What role did he play in the dissemination of his music? This study will address these issues by examining the relationship between the composer, his music printers, and his patrons. In particular, it will explore the differences between the printing industries of 16th- century Rome and Venice, and what infl uence this may have had on the transmission of Palestrina ’ s music and the reputation of the composer.
Although the increasing infl uence of the Italian style in France around the turn of the 18th century is a familiar topic, we know comparatively little about how particular Italian repertories came to infl uence French composers. One important and thus far incompletely explored repertory is that of Philippe II, duc d'Orléans (1674 – 1723), and his musicians. Around 1701 Orléans began assembling a unique cadre of Italian musicians and Frenchmen trained in the latest Italian techniques. This ensemble consisted of two violinists (Giovanni Antonio Guido and Jean-Baptiste Anet fils), two castratos borrowed from cardinal Ottoboni (Pasqualino Tiepoli and Pasqualino Betti), and a bass player (eventually Jean-Baptiste Stuck). Documentary evidence and the cantatas of Stuck and Guido indicate that the ensemble's repertory included music modelled on that of Giovanni Bononcini, whose works became popular in France during the period of the ensemble's activity (1703 – 5). The ensemble made possible the performance of vocal music in the latest ultramontane vein, giving impetus to the developing French interest in Italian music, and providing a forum for experimentation with a réunion des goûts by the duke and his musicians, particularly in the arena of the cantate françoise.
This article presents a preliminary study of a new manuscript by the guitarist Santiago de Murcia recently discovered in Chile. The manuscript is entitled Cifras selectas early music may 2007 2007 333 de guitarra and is dated 1722. Among the c. 80 works it contains, whether as single items or grouped together in suites, most are sets of variations on Spanish dances such as the villano, vacas and canarios, though French dances and even pieces of probable American origin, such as the cumbé , are also found. The article is divided into four sections: the fi rst outlines Santiago de Murcia ’ s importance and the previously known sources for his music (the Resumen de acompañar, printed in 1714, and the manuscripts ‘Passacalles y obras de guitarra’ and the ‘Códice Saldívar N o . 4', copied c.1732); the second analyses the structure of the Cifras selectas de guitarra, the circumstances surrounding its discovery and its contents; the third studies the concordances between this manuscript and others by Murcia as well as other collections; and the fourth presents some hypotheses on the context for its production and reception, putting forward evidence to suggest that it was not intended for Madrid and surrounding regions, but possibly for Spanish America, and even specifi cally for Chile. All this necessitates revision of some of the received ideas about Murcia and reveals the wide circulation of guitar music in the 18th century.
This article examines the notation and interpretation of introductory movements of Handel’s French overtures that have been performed at the keyboard since the early 18th century. Of 20 French overtures arranged by one of Handel’s last immediate disciples, Jonathan Battishill (1738–1801), 12 introduce additional overdotting, never consistently. Tirades are often quickened (sometimes without overdotting); but in 14 of these overtures the runs are notated in both semiquavers and demisemiquavers. Thus a contemporary virtuoso who was remembered for his perfect imitation of Handel’s keyboard style employed overdotting in some of the French overtures; but all his rhythmic and other alterations, including notes inégales, were optional rather than obligatory and inconsistent rather than uniform.
Battishill’s arbitrary variations are fully supported by the numerous keyboard arrangements of Joseph Mazzinghi (c.1800–13) and John Watts (c.1822–4) and by those of later Handelians representing a continuous British tradition of free and irregular interpretation of the majestic style that survived until the 1950s. Statistical analysis of Handel’s own keyboard overtures and three other major collections confi rms that the consistently overdotted arrangements of William Crotch (1775–1847), which are the source of the modern interpretation, do not represent the authentic Handel tradition.
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