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notes 1. Introduction 1. Nataliia Ivanovna Abubikirova (executive director, Association of Crisis Centers for Women “Stop Violence”), interview by the author, Moscow, July 23, 2004. 2. In Mazur’s (2002, 158) review of several European cases, she argues that extranational institutions were important mostly for getting the problem defined and on the agenda (especially for the issue of trafficking in women), but the case studies themselves do not examine how these international pressures work. 3. U.S. Department of State, “About International Women’s Issues,” http:// www.state.gov/g/wi/c21438.htm (accessed February 6, 2008). 4. Financial resources are especially important in poorer societies such as Russia because there is little money available and often poor financial infrastructure, limiting organizations in doing “basic” things like mailing flyers or soliciting donations (Sperling 1999). 5. Initiated in 1991 by Rutgers University’s Women Global Leadership Institute, the annual period of activism symbolically links gender violence with human rights advocacy. Thousands of organizations in hundreds of countries have participated, an illustration of transnational cooperation between different women’s groups across the global divides. 6. Note that these distinctions are about the global level, not the local, which is the arena theorized by feminist comparative policy. The original matrix in Stetson (2002) refers to the domestic policy-process. 2. The Global Feminist Challenge, Communism, and Postcommunism 1. Personal communication with Debra Liebowitz, April 9, 2007. 2. Minnesota Advocates for Human Rights (hereafter MAHR), “Women’s Program,” http://www.mnadvocates.org/Women_s_Program.html (accessed June 28, 2006). 3. The English-language website is http://www.stopvaw.org and the Russian http:// www.russian.stopvaw.org. 172 notes to pages 22–29 4. MAHR, “Stop Violence Against Women,” 2003, http://www.stopvaw.org/Stop _Violence_Against_Women.html (accessed June 28, 2006). 5. Rape was defined as “sexual intercourse with the application of physical force or threats or taking advantage of the helpless state of the victim” (Art. 117 1960 RSFSR CrC). Conviction rates for rape were about 90, higher than the average for most crimes (Danilenko and Burnham 1999). In 1990, 54 of adult convicted rapists were sentenced to between five and ten years (D’iachenko and Koloskova 1995, 84). Another 33.9 were sentenced to three to five years. The average sentence in 1990 was 7.5 years, slightly higher than the average sentence for imprisonment for all crimes (7.4). From 1990 through 1993, approximately one rapist a year was sentenced to die. 6. A 1923 decree established that it was a crime to take advantage of a woman’s dependent position to compel her to have “sexual relations.” The 1960 RSFSR CrC made this crime clearly separate from rape, under Article 118. In her genealogy of sexual harassment in Russia, Suchland (2005) shows that behaviors global feminists now consider sexual harassment have been forbidden in Russian law since at least the nineteenth century, initially as “crimes against the honor and chastity of women.” 7. Andrei Sinelnikov, Russia: Inside the Broken Cell, 2004, Family Violence Prevention Fund, http://www.endabuse.org/programs/display.php3?DocID=106 (accessed May 28, 2004). 8. This way of disaggregating feminism was inspired by Robinson 1995. 9. Iuliia Isaeva, interview with the author, Saratov, Russia, June 24, 1999. 10. Local precincts are encouraged by the Ministry of Internal Affairs to report lower levels of crime and high prosecution rates, creating incentives to reject statements. In addition, corruption proliferates in the institutions of the police and procuracy, the Russian supercharged prosecutor’s office (Human Rights Watch 1999). In the 1990s, the problem was so bad that, in many places, Russians did not even consider turning to the police for most problems. 11. See Human Rights Watch (1997, 22). The stats are from liberal Moscow-based weekly Argumenty i Facty. Reported in World Press Review, the original article was “The Rape Game,” February 6, 1996. 12. According to Khodyreva (1996), one of the most prominent popular myths about rape in Russia is that “rape is mostly an act between an assaulter and a victim who were not acquainted before. Marital rape is still a topic absolutely not developed” (34). Another Russian researcher notes that “in public consciousness rape and domestic violence against women are the only crimes in which victims are held responsible for crimes committed against them” (Booklet: Syostri [2002] Metodicheskoe Posobie: Pomoshch’ Perezhivshim seksual’noe nasilie [Moscow: Syostri]). 13. These numbers are from Prestupnost’ i Pravonarusheniia Statisticheskii Sbornik [Crime and Delinquency: Statistical...

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Additional Information

ISBN
9780253002587
Related ISBN
9780253325938
MARC Record
OCLC
556296562
Pages
256
Launched on MUSE
2012-01-01
Language
English
Open Access
No
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