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NOTES The Bibliography provides full bibliographical information for all sources cited in shortened form in the Notes. INTRODUCTION 1. Gay, The Cultivation of Hatred, p. 515. 2. McNeill, The Pursuit of Power, p. 318. 3. Eksteins, Rites of Spring, p. 288. 4. Fussell, The Great War, p. 72. 5. Quoted in Woodward, Great Britain and the War, p. 39. Between mid-November 1914 and March 1917, “the front lines did not move as much as ten miles in either direction .” 6. Stone, The Eastern Front, pp. 93–94, 235–40. The Russian army occupied two thousand miles of trenches by early 1917; plans to build additional trenches during 1915 were neglected by lower commands. See Wildman, The End of the Russian Imperial Army, pp. xv, 90. 7. But see p. 120 below. 8. On which theme—in particular, on war as a “hideous embarrassment to the prevailing meliorist myth . . . its dynamics of hope abridged”—see Fussell, The Great War, pp. 8, 35. On the commemoration of war, see Winter, Sites of Memory, pp. 22–53. 9. The total number of displaced persons has been put at 10. 6 million as of 1 January 1917; a year later the total had climbed to 17.5 million, equivalent to 12 percent of the total population. See Volkov, Dinamika, p. 104. The standard reference work, Wieczynski, Modern Encyclopedia of Russian and Soviet History, contains a brief entry on prisoners of war, but makes no reference to refugees. The ¤rst edition of the Bol’shaia sovetskaia entsiklopediia contains an entry on “refugeedom” (bezhenstvo) by A. Kirzhnits. Published in 1927, this article promises an entry on the post-revolutionary treatment of refugees and prisoners of war, but it never materialized. Later editions of the encyclopedia dropped the entry altogether. Kirzhnits also wrote a short entry on Siberian refugees and exiles, “Bezhentsy i vyselentsy,” before he disappeared during the purges. 10. See Golos, no. 30, 7 February 1916, and RGIA f. 1322, op. 1, d. 1, l. 8ob., Special Council for Refugees, 14 September 1915. 11. Volkov, Dinamika, pp. 71–72. Volkov’s ¤gures include displaced German settlers. See also Kulischer, Europe, pp. 30–35; Polner, Russian Local Government, pp. 159–76; Kohn, The Cost of the War, pp. 32–34. For further discussion see Appendix 1. 12. Gaponenko, Rabochii klass Rossii, p. 72. Relatively few registered refugees were counted among the industrial labor force. I use quotation marks here to draw attention to the possibility of collapsing the terms “refugee” and “proletariat.” 13. Izvestiia VZS, 41–42, 15 June–1 July 1916, pp. 121–22; Izvestiia VSG, 34, July 1916, p. 219. The proportions were, of course, smaller in Russia’s densely populated provinces . 14. Kulischer, Europe, p. 32. Kulischer exaggerated the scale of migration to Siberia, but if we include resettlement in the Caucasus and central Asia, his statement is accurate enough. The Siberian migration was also distinguished from refugeedom by the fact that the former was in essence a response to a perceived agrarian crisis, whereas the latter constituted a crisis. 15. On social strati¤cation in late imperial Russia, see Lewin, The Making of the Soviet System; Freeze, “The Soslovie (Estate) Paradigm”; and Schmidt, “Über die Bezeichnung der Stände.” Elise Kimerling Wirtschafter has made a special study of the raznochintsy, who were placed outside the boundaries of established status groups. Wirtschafter, “Problematics of Status De¤nition.” She notes that, “try as they might, policy-makers could never con¤ne that dynamic conglomeration of human beings called ‘society’ to of¤cially prescribed socioeconomic functions.” But the state made strenuous efforts to sustain sosloviia “as valuable self-regulating administrative units in preparing legislation, regulating social mobility, maintaining public order, and apportioning rights and privileges in relationship to state service,” in the words of A. J. Rieber, “The Sedimentary Society,” in Clowes et al., Between Tsar and People, p. 256. 16. These questions have also been posed by social anthropologists in ¤eldwork among refugees. See Loizos, The Heart Grown Bitter; Harrell-Bond, Imposing Aid; and especially Malkki, Purity and Exile. 17. Scott, Gender and the Politics of History, p. 178. 18. Haimson, “The Problem of Social Identities”; Abbott Gleason, “The Terms of Russian Social History,” in Clowes et al., Between Tsar and People, pp. 15–27; Rieber, Merchants and Entrepreneurs, introduction and pp. 415–27. Haimson suggests that state of¤cials and the intelligentsia both sought to confer identity on social groups, but that “experience” also counted for a great deal. 19. O. [sic...


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