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>> 189 Notes Chapter 1 1. This outcome is consistent with findings that suggest that community campaigns are more likely to be successful when residents are taking on a proposed facility rather than an existing hazard, and when their struggles attract the attention of national environmental organizations and press coverage. See Roberts and Toffolon-Weiss 2001, Toffolon-Weiss and Roberts 2005. 2. A pseudonym. In this book, both pseudonyms and real names are used, according to each individual’s preference. The first occurrence of each pseudonym is designated by an asterisk. 3. Throughout the book, as I introduce new people into New Sarpy’s story, I will indicate their race (using the local parlance of “black” and “white”), approximate age, and gender (where it is not evident from their names) as a way of keeping these elements of difference present even though they are not the focus of my analysis. Explicit discussion of race in New Sarpy’s evolving relationship with the neighboring refinery can be found in chapter 3, where I show how race, racism, and narratives of the changes in race relations over time played into residents’ understandings of community quality and community improvement. 4. Carter told his story to me in an interview in May 2003, several months after the settlement. 5. As the contrast between Landry’s assessment of the settlement and that of Winston and Mitchell indicates, “the community” was not always of one mind when it came to Orion. Indeed, intra-community division characterizes many environmental justice campaigns (see, e.g., Roberts and Toffolon-Weiss 2001), and chapter 3 will show how the outcome of CCNS’s campaign hinged on a fracture between groups of residents committed to conflicting models of community improvement. 6. Widely used by social scientists, the term “neoliberalism” refers to a suite of political and economic policies that elevate the free market—through, for example, the deregulation of industries, removal of barriers to international trade, and privatization of social services like education—while dismantling the welfare state (see, e.g., Harvey 2005, Jessop 2002). Neoliberalism’s free-market rationality also structures notions of citizenship by “extending and disseminating market values to all institutions and social action” (W. Brown 2005, 40; see also Peck and Tickell 2002, Rose 1999, Shamir 2008). While neoliberalism is a sweeping project, it manifests unevenly in particular locales (Brenner and Theodore 2002)—making studies like this one, which examine the situated consequences of both neoliberal policies and neoliberal rationality, essential to understanding neoliberalism’s effects. 7. This account of residents’ activities during the SEED toxic tour and their subsequent lobbying activities is based on a documentary film that chronicles the events (Dunn 2001). 190 > 191 30. E.g., Corburn 2005, Harris and Harper 1997, Johnson and Ranco 2011, Kuehn 1996, Powell and Powell 2011. 31. E.g., Allen 2000, Allen 2003, P. Brown 1993, Brown and Mikkelsen 1997, Corburn 2005. 32. E.g., Brown et al. 2006, Epstein 1995, Epstein 1996, Zavestocki et al. 2002. 33. See Ottinger 2010. 34. A white woman in my midtwenties at the time, I served throughout my year in Louisiana as LABB’s “Monitoring Specialist.” In that (part-time and unpaid) capacity, I developed tools for interpreting bucket results, gathered information about how industry and government agencies did ambient air monitoring, researched techniques for monitoring that might be suitable for communities, tried to learn how and why residents decided to take, or not take, bucket samples, and organized the Monitoring Fair and Roundtable in New Sarpy—all at the request and under the direction of Rolfes. These activities made me a participant-observer in the aspects of LABB’s work that were of most interest, namely, the organization’s engagement with expert claims. Through my work with LABB, I also got to know CCNS and CCN members. While residents initially associated me with the environmental justice organization, the association appeared to weaken in their minds when I moved to St. Charles Parish in September 2002 and began asking questions about their community and its history over the course of the fall. In 2003, after the campaign had ended, my involvement in the community—which included interviews, volunteer work at a senior center, weekly attendance at a local church, whose after-school tutoring program and bimonthly hot lunch program I also volunteered for, and attendance at Community Advisory Panels and other public meetings convened by industry—was almost entirely separate from my ongoing, but scaled-back, work at LABB. 35. Epstein 1996...


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