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Notes to Pages 000–­000 153 Notes Chapter 2 1. The hegemony of Yoruba traditions—sometimes referred to as “nâgocentrism”—is a controversial issue in Bahian Candomblé communities. See Matory (2005) for an interesting discussion of the history of this issue. 2. Droogers (1989) and Stewart and Shaw (1994) contend that because concepts such as syncretism or popular religion pivot on claims of religious authenticity and legitimacy, the very use of these terms is contentious and politically charged. Moreover, they stress that the popular appropriation of “official” religion suggested by these terms can partly be understood as a form of resistance against religious authority. 3. Examples of this research include Skidmore’s (1993) classic study of the history of racial ideologies, Hanchard’s (1994, 1999) and Reichmann’s (1999a, 1999b, 1997) research on racial politics, Butler’s (1998a) examination of post-abolition Afro-Brazilian identity formation and political struggle, Lovell and Wood’s (1998) statistical analysis of inequalities between whites and nonwhites, Sheriff’s (2001) ethnography of speaking about race and racism in Rio, Guimarães’s (1999) and d’Adesky’s (2001) works on contemporary racism and anti-racism, and Telles’s (2004) broad and authoritative treatment of race in contemporary Brazil. Especially relevant to the study of religion and identity politics are Burdick’s (1993, 1998a) research on religion and the black consciousness movement, Braga’s (1995) and Harding’s (2000) work on the role of Candomblé in Afro-Brazilian resistance and identity formation, Crook and Johnson’s (1999) volume on Afro-Brazilian mobilization, Kraay’s (1998) volume on Afro-Brazilian culture and politics in Bahia, and Sansone’s (2003) recent book on black identity in Salvador. Chapter 3 1. Some have employed the term industrial paternalism to describe the persistence of patron-client logics within the process of Bahia’s industrialization. For a general discussion of paternalism and patronage, see Abercrombie and Hill 1976. 2. The notion of double belonging affirms that many people are involved with both Candomblé and Catholicism but denies that these are truly “mixed” or “confused.” This is not to say this clarifies the issue, however. In fact, the language that emerges around the intersection of Candomblé and Catholicism is marked by its indeterminacy. Different agents make use of the “strategic ambiguity” of discourses of syncretism for varying ends. Chapter 4 1. Actually, on at least one of the rare occasions that Candomblé terreiros came together to mobilize politically it was for conservative purposes. According to one newspaper article (“A Guerra das Atabaques” [The War of the Drums] Istoé Independente Online, May 30, 2001), when the arch-conservative Bahian senator, Antônio Carlos Magalhães, was resigning from the senate, 80 percent of the Candomblé terreiros in Salvador joined together to publicly support him. In fact, the National Confederation of Afro-Brazilian Religions pressured terreiros to participate under the threat of penalties —hence the byline (“Terreiros de candomblé da Bahia são forçados a trabalhar por Antônio Carlos Magalhães. Quem resiste sofre ameaças” [“Candomblé terreiros of Bahia are forced to work for Antônio Carlos Magalhães. Those that resist suffer threats”]). 2. See Agier’s (2000) discussion of the black elite in Salvador. Agier contends that for the black elite (Afro-Brazilians who are members of the middle to upper classes in terms of education and income), the most traditionally African practices are at the center of Afro-Brazilian cultural affirmations (e.g., Ilê Aiyé), while those practices that are impure (e.g., syncretic) or which are positioned on the border between black and white social and cultural spaces (e.g., Olodum) are viewed as marginal. Thus, the black elite is largely anti-syncretic, as deploying discourses of purity is often a way to make claims concerning legitimacy. Chapter 5 1. See Chapter 3, note 2, on participation in Candomblé. 2. John Burdick (2005), for example, has identified no fewer than thirty Protestant groups “dedicated expressly to fighting racism and building a strong black identity” (316) that have emerged in Brazil since 1995. Chapter 6 1. In fact, in the last ten years, the issue of racial discrimination has moved up on the agendas of government administrations and political parties. In 1996, the Brazilian government hosted International Conference on Diversity, Multiculturalism, and Affirmative Action, during which Fernando Henrique Cardoso became the first president of Brazil to officially recognize these concepts and the problem of racial inequality in Brazil (Reichmann 1999b). Lula’s Workers’ Party (PT) and his...


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