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Notes Introduction 1. I use the term “US literature” (and the adjective “US” in general) instead of the more conventional “Ameri­ can literature” here because the United States is only one of many nations that lay claim to being “Ameri­ can.” Referring to the United States and its ­people as “Ameri­can” while referring to those other nations as “Latin Ameri­ can,” “Luso-­ Ameri­ can,” and such, perpetuates the pernicious exceptionalist notion that the United States is the “true” America. Using “US” as an adjective is somewhat awkward because “United States literature” is not grammatical. However, this seems to me the best, most concise option. The fact that there are no gram­ mati­ cally perfect alternatives to “Ameri­ can” may indicate the extent to which language and power are interrelated. 2. I adopt the term “US Ameri­cans” (Rodríguez 2010, 8–9) as opposed to “Ameri­ cans” for reasons similar to those for which I use “US literature.” The term will particularly be used in the place of “Ameri­ can” when referring to Anglo-­ Americans, remembering that for a dominant strain of US exceptionalists, US nationality is racialized as white. As an adjective, “US” will not always have the same racialized import . Use of “US” can signify in many ways, in­ clud­ ing to US diversity. 3. I use “Hispanophone world” to refer to Spain and Spanish America. I am regretfully unable to address Hispanophone Africa in this study. 4. As DeGuzmán (2005, xvi, xxi) explains, US Ameri­ cans used terms such as “Spanish” and “Spanish Ameri­can” to homogenize heterogeneous ­peoples and places into a single category that they opposed to the United States. Johnson (1993, 13) explains how Anglo-­ Americans level differences among Latin Ameri­ can types to play up cherished self-­ conceptions. As Horsman (1981, 4) explains, the term “Anglo-­ Saxon” was used in a similarly imprecise manner to describe vaguely Aryan ­peoples who may or may not have been Saxon in descent. 5. For more about the Black Legend, consult DeGuzmán 2005; Fernández Reta­ mar 1989; Gibson 1971; Greer, Mignolo, and Quilligan 2007; Johnson 1993, 10–11. 6. This is true also of US representations of other Mediterranean ­ peoples; Hispanophone ­ peoples, though, are more “present” in the US cultural imaginary for reasons I will discuss. 188 / Notes to Pages 6–57 7. Other contrasts are similarly telling. For instance, the Swiss John Coustos’s popu­ lar 1746 account of his struggles with the Portuguese Inquisition reflects pre­ racialist views regarding Iberian depravity, while antebellum anti-­Catholic sentiment took on more racial overtones, as seen in George Lippard’s ‘Bel of Prairie Eden. Educational nations-­of-­the-­world chapbooks also reflect this pattern. The 1819 People of All Nations exhibits incipient racial thinking in its description of Spaniards (Anonymous 1819, 21), whereas the 1848 Book of Nations, for Children does even more so (Werden 1848, 2). 8. Similarly, Gruesz writes that Spanish America is that “‘other America’ [that] was always present as a repressed national memory” (Gruesz 2002, 210); this repression constitutes a vexed discourse of identity construction. For more about such relationships between the United States, Spain, and Spanish America, consult Brickhouse 2004; Cabañas 2008; Goudie 2006. 9. For more about New Formalism, also consult Castiglia and Castronovo 2004; Levine 2008; Otter 2008. 10. I contrast Delany’s views on Hispanicism to those of Mann in a 2016 essay that appeared in College Literature. 11. I hope that reframing the antebellum period in these terms will spur additional consideration of ways to better understand antebellum phenomena in transnational lights. For instance, my opening consideration of Agassiz and Shaler suggests that the Civil War might be rethought in such terms. The fracturing of self-­ conceptions of nation that occurred during the Civil War might seem an internal issue, but that issue was refracted along Hispanicism’s transnational lines. 12. This interest in looking for hope in the uncertainty with which his­ tori­ cal writers engaged their presents and the fact that our present is one of many possible futures at which our society could have his­tori­cally arrived has become increasingly prominent in literary studies. Coronado (2013, 34) provides another example. Chapter 1 1. Gilroy (1993) and Posnock (1998) similarly celebrate cosmopolitan, anti-­ identity traditions. 2. Bernstein 1985; Ford 1971; Woodress 1958; Zunder 1969 provide biographies of Barlow. 3. As DeGuzmán (2005, xix) explains, Columbus represents a distinctly US Ameri­can fig­ure in the poem, whereas Ferdinand represents a...


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