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169 Notes Introduction 1 An ambitious recent essay on the persistence of China’s “etatist aesthetic” is Zhu Dake’s Liumang de shengyan (The hooligans’ feast, 2006). Zhu makes a complex argument about the oppositional but mutually constitutive relationship between the position of the mobile, subversive “hooligan” and that of etatist stability in Chinese cultural history. 2 In translating contemporary Chinese public discourse, particularly when cultural control is the question at hand, the choice between finding idiomatic equivalents and insisting on literary translation is a particularly important and charged one. Is laowai a “whitey” or simply a “foreigner”? Is zuohao gongzuo to “gooddo the work” of something or simply to “complete something”? In contrast to earlier translators who tended to exoticize Chinese texts by coining new terms or leaving them untranslated, today’s translations tend to be enterprises in cultural brokerage that choose the smoothest colloquial equivalents, while ignoring the power implications of language. Trying to balance these approaches, I emphasize the “ideologemes” present in contemporary mainland Chinese vernacular in some cases and gloss over them in others. The point is to reflect on the presence and influence of these ideologemes, even as time erodes their erstwhile ideological nature. 3 See Greenblatt, Cultural Mobility (Cambridge, UK: Cambridge University Press, 2009). 1 Internal Migration in Reform China 1 Though officially abolished after the collapse of the Soviet Union, this system has been retained in a modified form and continues to be used by the Moscow city government to limit migration to the city. 2 A number of works have been published on the topic in English, including Chan 1996, Solinger 1999, Davin 1999, L. Zhang 2001, and Murphy 2002. 3 See Kojima (1996:378–81) for the various measures adopted to suppress migration under the hukou system. 4 On migration in pre-reform China, see Diana Lary (1999) and Yang Yunyan (1994:90–122). 5 State Council, “Guanyu keji renyuan heli liudong ruogan wenti de guiding.” 6 Tianjin City People’s Government Office, “Notice on reforming our city’s population control work” (Guanyu gaige wo shi renkou kongzhi gongzuo de tongzhi ), cited in Li Ruojian (2001:54). 7 “Pilot measures for regulating certain questions of the mechanical growth of our city’s population” (Guanyu kongzhi ben shi renkou jixie zengzhang ruogan wenti de shixing guiding). 8 State Council, “Memorandum on stopping certain cities’ and counties’ practice of openly selling township hukou” (Guanyu zhizhi yixie shi, xian gongkai chumai chengzhen hukou de tongzhi; 1985) and “Memorandum on strictly controlling the overly rapid growth in ‘agricultural-to-non’ [-agricultural hukou] transfers” (Guanyu yange kongzhi “nong-zhuan-fei” guokuai zengzhang de tongzhi; 1992). 9 Ministry of Public Security, “Opinion on a pilot project to reform household registration in small towns and on perfecting the household registration management system in villages” (Guanyu xiao chengzhen huji gaige de shidian fang’an he guanyu wanshan nongcun huji guanli zhidu de yijian). State Council Document no. 20 (1997). 10 CCP Central Committee and State Council, “Some opinions on promoting the healthy development of small towns” (Guanyu cujin xiao chengzhen jiankang fazhan de ruogan yijian). Central Committee Document no. 11 (2000). 11 Ministry of Public Security, “Opinion on promoting the reform of small towns’ household registration management system” (Guanyu tuijin xiao chengzhen Notes to Chapter 1 171 huji guanli zhidu gaige de yijian). State Council Document no. 6 (2001). 12 Ministry of Public Security, “Opinion on resolving some outstanding issues in current hukou management work” (Guanyu jiejue dangqian hukou guanli gongzuo zhong ji ge tuchu wenti de yijian), State Council Document no. 24 (1998). 13 For example, regulations issued by Guangdong Province left it up to each county’s government “to determine the scale of migration in accordance with the overall absorption capacity and scientific demographic plan” of the area (Xia 2004). 14 Article 2, Beijing wailai lai Jing wugong jingshang renyuan guanli tiaoli, cited in Human Rights in China (2002a:60). 15 They also have to own their place of residence. Based on this rule, a Peking Youth Daily article in 2001 estimated that, to qualify for a Peking hukou as an entrepreneur, one had to invest 13 million yuan, achieve sales of 17 million yuan, and purchase a house worth 500,000 yuan (Zhang Tao 2001). 16 For example, in Ningbo, Jiangsu, migrants who are “not willing to till the land” must surrender their plots to a village land pool, which is then collectively rented out, and the migrants receive 200 to 300 yuan per year (He...


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