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NOTES PREFACE 1. D. A. Miller, The Novel and the Police (Berkeley and Los Angeles: University of California Press, 1988), 2. 2. As TheodoreZeldin points out, the Frenchmedical profession’s“rise to power in the state is one of the striking features of the [nineteenth] century” (France, 1848–1945, vol. 1: Ambition, Love, and Politics [Oxford: Clarendon Press,1973],22).Onthehistoryoftheprofessionalizationofmedicineinnineteenth -century France, see Michel Foucault, Naissance de la clinique (Paris: Presses universitaires de France, 1963; English translation as The Birth of the Clinic [New York: Vintage, 1975]); Jacques Léonard, La Médecine entre les pouvoirs et les savoirs (Paris: Aubier-Montaigne, 1981); Matthew Ramsey, Professional and Popular Medicine in France, 1770–1830 (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 1988); and Jan Goldstein, Console and Classify (Cambridge: CambridgeUniversity Press,1987).OnEnglishmedicineasanemergentprofession during the nineteenth century, see M. Jeanne Peterson, The Medical Profession in Mid-Victorian London (Berkeley and Los Angeles: University of California Press, 1978), and Ivan Waddington, The Medical Profession in the IndustrialRevolution (Dublin:GillandMacmillan,1984).Forasociologicalaccount synthesizing the Frenchand English experiences, see M. S. Larson, The Rise of Professionalism (Berkeley and Los Angeles: University of California Press, 1977), chaps. 9 and 10. 3. Iamnotsuggesting,however,thatthehistoryofthenoveleitherreduces to or merely reflects the history of medicine as a profession. The reversing of expected chronological order in my treating Flaubert before Balzac is intendedto emphasize that the connectionsbetween medicine and realism are epistemologicalanddiscursive inawaythatisirreducibleto (althoughbound up in) the dynamics of professionalization. 4. Cf. Richard Shryock, “American Indifference to Basic Science during theNineteenthCentury,”Archives Internationales d’Histoire des Sciences 28, no.5 (1948–1949): 3–18; reprinted in B. Barber and W. Wirsch, eds., The Sociology of Science (New York: Free Press, 1962), 98–110. CHAPTER ONE 1. Choderlos de Laclos, Les Liaisons Dangereuses, trans. Richard Aldington (New York: Signet, 1962), 380. 2. On the idea of the outside, see Gilles Deleuze, Foucault (Minneapolis: University of Minnesota Press, 1988), 70–93. 3. The reliance on gout as a literary disease in eighteenth-century fiction (asopposed to tuberculosis in nineteenth-century fictionand cancerin modernism )exemplifiesthisemphasisondiseaseasanongoingconditionofbeing rather than a confrontation with mortality. Cf. Susan Sontag, Illness as Meta- 194 NOT ES T O PA GES 4–11 phor (New York: Farrar, Straus and Giroux, 1978); Lawrence Rothfield, “GoutasMetaphor,”inArt,History,andAntiquityofRheumaticDiseases(Brussels: Elsevier and The Erasmus Foundation, 1987): 68–71. 4. René Girard, Deceit, Desire and the Novel, trans. Yvonne Frecerro (Baltimore , Md.: Johns Hopkins University Press, 1965), 149. On the relation betweenthetemporalitiesofdiseaseandfiction ,seeJoelFineman,“TheHistory of the Anecdote,” in H. Aram Veeser, ed., The New Historicism (New York: Routledge, 1989), 49–76. 5. Ian Watt, The Rise of the Novel (Berkeley and Los Angeles: University of California Press, 1977), 32–35. 6. Georg Lukács, The Historical Novel, trans. Hannah Mitchell and Stanley Mitchell (Lincoln: University of Nebraska Press, 1983), 19. 7. Harry Levin, The Gates of Horn (New York: Oxford University Press, 1963), 3. 8. Emile Zola, Nana, trans. George Holden (New York: Penguin, 1972), 470. 9. For a brilliant discussion of this shift from what Foucault calls the “episteme ” of the eighteenth century to that of the nineteenth century, see his The Order of Things (New York: Pantheon, 1970); for Kant’s conception of the role ofscience, see Ernst Cassirer,The Problem ofKnowledge, trans. William Woglom and Charles Hendel (New Haven, Conn.: Yale University Press, 1950), chap. 1. In his later work, Foucault redefines the shift in question as involving not only intellectual discourses but systems of power/knowledge. More specifically , he argues that a juridically definedsocial framework gives way to a modernorderinwhichextralegaldiscoursessupersedethemechanismsofthelaw , with the “contractual” subject giving way to the “normalized” (or conversely, pathologized)subjectdefinedbythesciencesofman—sciencesdominatedin the first half of the nineteenth century, I would argue, by clinical medicine. Foucaulthimselfmakestheargumentthattheriseofthenovelcorrelateswith the rise of legal power. See “The Life of Infamous Men,” in Michel Foucault: Power, Truth, Strategy, ed. M. Morris and P. Patton (Sydney: Feral, 1979), 76– 91.Forreadingsofeighteenth-centuryfictionasboundtoajuridical modelof truth, see John Bender,Imagining the Penitentiary (Chicago: University of Chicago Press, 1987); and John Zomchick, The Public Conscience in the Private Sphere (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, forthcoming). 10. On Collins’s appropriation of an extraordinarily diverse range of psychologicalideas and the formal effects of deploying these ideas in his fiction, see Jenny Bourne Taylor, In the Secret Theatre of Home (London: Routledge, 1988). 11. According to Hans Eichner, nineteenth-century romantic philosophy had very little impact on the so-called “hard” sciences: “The real scientists of the last two hundred years—those who, with their helpmates the engineers, created the...


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