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Islam, Gender and Networks in Post-Suharto Indonesia
In an important social change, female Muslim political leaders in Java have enjoyed considerable success in direct local elections following the fall of Suharto in Indonesia. Indonesian Women and Local Politics shows that Islam, gender, and social networks have been decisive in their political victories. Islamic ideas concerning female leadership provide a strong religious foundation for their political campaigns. However, their approach to women's issues shows that female leaders do not necessarily adopt a woman's perspectives when formulating policies. This new trend of Muslim women in politics will continue to shape the growth and direction of democratization in local politics in post-Suharto Indonesia and will color future discourse on gender, politics, and Islam in contemporary Southeast Asia.
Local Politics Go Global
For the last decade, China and India have grown at an amazing rate particularly considering the greatest downturn in the U.S. and Europe since the Great Depression. As a result, both countries are forecast to have larger economies than the U.S. or EU in the years ahead. Still, in the last year, signs of a slowdown have hit these two giants. Which way will these giants go? And how will that affect the global economy? Any Western corporation, investor, or entrepreneur serious about competing internationally must understand what makes them tick. Unfortunately, many in the West still look at the two Asian giants as monoliths, closely controlled mainly by their national governments. Inside Out, India and China makes clear how and why this notion is outdated.
William Antholis a former White House and State Department official, and the managing director at Brookings spent five months in India and China, travelling to over 20 states and provinces in both countries. He explored the enormously diversity in business, governance, and culture of these nations, temporarily relocating his entire family to Asia. His travels, research, and interviews with key stakeholders make the unmistakable point that these nations are not the immobile, centrally directed economies and structures of the past.
More and more, key policy decisions in India and China are formulated and implemented by local governments states, provinces, and fast-growing cities. Both economies have promoted entrepreneurship, both by private sector and also local government officials. Some strategies work. Others are fatally flawed. Antholis's detailed narratives of local innovation in governance and business as well as local failures prove the point that simply maintaining a presence in Beijing and New Delhi or even Shanghai and Mumbai is not enough to ensure success in China or India, just as one cannot expect to succeed in America simply by setting up in Washington or New York. Each nation is as large, vibrant, innovative, diverse, and increasingly decentralized as are the United States, Europe and all of Latin America combined. China and India each have their own agricultural heartlands, high-tech corridors, resource-rich areas, and powerhouse manufacturing regions. They also have major economic, social, environmental challenges facing them. But few people outside these countries can name those places, or have a mental map of how the local parts of these countries are shaping their global futures. Organizations, businesses, and other governments that do not recognize and plan for this evolution may miss that the most important changes in these emerging giants are coming from the inside out.
"This book is for people who wonder about the inside of China and India, and how different local perspectives inside those countries shape actions outside their borders. Though my family and I spent five months traveling in both countries to do research, this book is not a travelogue. Rather, it is an attempt to sketch how a few of China's and India's many component parts are being shaped by global forces and in turn are shaping those forces and what that means for Americans and Europeans conducting diplomacy and doing business there." from the Introduction
The Argentine Puzzle in Context
The International Monetary Fund (IMF) has played a critical role in the global economy since the postwar era. But, claims Claudia Kedar, behind the strictly economic aspects of the IMF’s intervention, there are influential interactions between IMF technocrats and local economists—even when countries are not borrowing money.
In The International Monetary Fund and Latin America, Kedar seeks to expose the motivations and constraints of the operations of both the IMF and borrowers. With access to never-before-seen archive materials, Kedar reveals both the routine and behind-the-scenes practices that have depicted International Monetary Fund–Latin American relations in general and the asymmetrical IMF-Argentina relations in particular.
Kedar also analyzes the “routine of dependency” that characterizes IMF-borrower relations with several Latin American countries such as Chile, Peru, and Brazil. The International Monetary Fund and Latin America shows how debtor countries have adopted IMF’s policies during past decades and why Latin American leaders today largely refrain from knocking at the IMF’s doors again.
Courts and Gender in the Religious-Secular Conflict in Israel
Uses the case of Israel to examine the circumstances that lead national courts to engage heated political issues. Patricia J. Woods examines a controversial issue in the politics of many countries around the world: the increasing role that courts and justices have played in deeply charged political battles. Through an extensive case study of the religious-secular conflict in Israel, she argues that the most important determining factor explaining when, why, and how national courts enter into the world of divisive politics is found in the intellectual or judicial communities with whom justices live, work, and think about the law on a daily basis. The interaction among members of this community, Woods maintains, is an organic, sociological process of intellectual exchange that over time culminates in new legal norms that may, through court cases, become binding legal principles. Given the right conditions—electoral democracy, basic judicial independence, and some institutional constraints—courts may use these new legal norms as the basis for a jurisprudence that justifies hearing controversial cases and allows for creative answers to major issues of national political contention.
Pourquoi le néopatrimonialisme est-il si fréquemment utilisé pour caractériser les systèmes politiques Africains ? Les pratiques auxquelles renvoie cette notion, qu’il s’agisse du clientélisme, de la corruption ou de la privatisation de l’État, sont pourtant présentes dans la plupart des pays, qu’ils soient ou non Africains. Afin de répondre à ce paradoxe, L’État néopatrimonial propose une exploration théorique et comparative de la diversité des trajectoires et usages contemporains du concept. À partir d’une discussion des références initiales de Max Weber au patrimonialisme, les différentes contributions abordent le néopatrimonialisme dans ses rapports avec l’analyse de la démocratisation, des relations internationales, de la sociologie des conflits et de l’économie du développement. L’ouvrage renouvelle les débats sur le néopatrimonialisme en Afrique, tout en les élargissant également à l’Asie, l’Europe et l’Amérique latine à travers des études de cas.
Les fédérations abritent quarante pour cent de la population mondiale. Les 28 pays dotés d’un régime politique fédéral se révèlent des plus diversifiés : de la nation la plus nantie du monde – les États-Unis d’Amérique – à de minuscules États insulaires comme la Micronésie et Saint-Kitts-et-Nevis. Six des dix pays les plus populeux et huit des dix pays les plus vastes de la planète sont des fédérations. Ce livre d’une remarquable concision présente les notions élémentaires de ce système politique dans une langue claire et dépourvue de jargon—sans doute la raison pour laquelle il a été traduit en environ 20 langues. Il s’agit d’un ouvrage incontournable non seulement pour ceux qui étudient les gouvernements et oeuvrent dans le secteur public, mais aussi pour tout citoyen des fédérations du monde.
The South African and Palestinian National Movements
Lessons from Vietnam and Iraq
Political scientist James H. Lebovic establishes that the size, strength, flexibility, and adaptability of the U.S. military cannot ensure victory in asymmetrical conflicts. In The Limits of U.S. Military Capability, Lebovic shows how political and psychological factors trumped U.S. military superiority in Vietnam and Iraq, where inappropriate strategies, low stakes, and unrealistic goals mired the United States military in protracted, no-win conflicts. Lebovic contends that the United States is at a particular disadvantage when fighting a counterinsurgency without the full support of the host government; when leveraging various third parties (the adversary's foreign allies, societal leaders, and indigenous populations); when attempting to build coalitions and nations while involved in combat; and when sustaining government and public support at home when costs rise and benefits decline. Lebovic cautions against involving the U.S. military in operations without first considering U.S. stakes and suggests that the military take a less-is-more approach when choosing to employ force. Ambitious goals bring higher costs, unexpected results, diminished options, and a greater risk of failure. Rejecting the heavy-handed approach that is typical of most comparisons between the Vietnam and Iraq wars, The Limits of U.S. Military Capability carefully assesses evidence to develop lessons applicable to other conflicts—especially the ongoing war in Afghanistan.