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"CWAG's American Indian Law Deskbook has quickly become one of the most authoritative and up-to-date works in the field, and CWAG has dutifully published yearly supplements... The most thorough survey available of the legal relationship between tribes, states, and the federal government."--The Federal Lawyer
Thorough, scholarly, and balanced, the American Indian Law Deskbook, Fourth Edition, published in February 2009, is an invaluable reference for a wide range of people working with Indian tribes, including attorneys, legal scholars, government officials, social workers, state and tribal jurists, and historians. The 2009 Supplement reviews cases issued as well as statutes and administrative rules adopted between July 2008 and June 2009. It additionally covers law review articles published between spring 2008 and spring 2009.
“CWAG's American Indian Law Deskbook has quickly become one of the most authoritative and up-to-date works in the field, and CWAG has dutifully published yearly supplements... The most thorough survey available of the legal relationship among tribes, states, and the federal government."—The Federal Lawyer
Thorough, scholarly, and balanced, The American Indian Law Deskbook, Fourth Edition, published in February 2009, is an invaluable reference for a wide range of people working with Indian tribes, including attorneys, legal scholars, government officials, social workers, state and tribal jurists, and historians. The 2011 Supplement reviews cases issued, as well as statutes and administrative rules adopted, from July 2010 through June 2011. It additionally covers law review articles published between spring 2010 and spring 2011
The Trials of John Merryman
In the spring of 1861, Union military authorities arrested Maryland farmer John Merryman on charges of treason against the United States for burning railroad bridges around Baltimore in an effort to prevent northern soldiers from reaching the capital. From his prison cell at Fort McHenry, Merryman petitioned Chief Justice of the Supreme Court Roger B. Taney for release through a writ of habeas corpus. Taney issued the writ, but President Abraham Lincoln ignored it. In mid-July Merryman was released, only to be indicted for treason in a Baltimore federal court. His case, however, never went to trial and federal prosecutors finally dismissed it in 1867. In Abraham Lincoln and Treason in the Civil War, Jonathan White reveals how the arrest and prosecution of this little-known Baltimore farmer had a lasting impact on the Lincoln administration and Congress as they struggled to develop policies to deal with both northern traitors and southern rebels. His work exposes several perennially controversial legal and constitutional issues in American history, including the nature and extent of presidential war powers, the development of national policies for dealing with disloyalty and treason, and the protection of civil liberties in wartime.
An Advocate's Guide to Freedom of Information in Ohio
Administrative law may best be defined by describing what it encompasses: it is that branch of law which deals with the individual versus governmental or administrative power. It covers court restraint of actions or inactions of public institutions, administrative processes of central and local government, parliamentary and subordinate legislat on and the means and procedures by which the rights of individuals are protected against abuse of power by public or local authorities, public corporations, tribunals and other bodies which discharge functions of public nature entrusted to them by law for the benefit of the citizen. It is hoped that this book will act as a wake-up call to all those who have been entrusted with the duty of making decisions affecting the rights of citizens to update themselves so as to discharge their duties correctly and in spirit of good governance. Administrative Law in Tanzania: A Digest of Cases covers high profile and landmark cases in topical areas of constitutional and administrative law from colonial days to present time, names, procedures in applying for prerogative remedies, constitutional principles and human rights, separation of powers between the Executive, the Legislature and the Judicature, natural justice and the rule of law, statutory ouster of jurisdiction of courts, and the right to legal representation.
Affirmative action is one of the central issues of American politics today, and admission to colleges and universities has been at the center of the debate. While this issue has been discussed for years, there is very little real data on the impact of affirmative action programs on admissions to institutions of higher learning. Susan Welch and John Gruhl in this groundbreaking study look at the impact on admissions of policies developed in the wake of the United States Supreme Court's landmark 1978 Bakke decision. In Bakke, the Court legitimized the use of race as one of several factors that could be considered in admissions decisions, while forbidding the use of quotas. Opponents of affirmative action claim that because of the Bakke decision thousands of less-qualified minorities have been granted admission in preference to more qualified white students; proponents claim that without the affirmative action policies articulated in Bakke, minorities would not have made the gains they have made in higher education. Based on a survey of admissions officers for law and medical schools and national enrollment data, the authors give us the first analysis of the real impact of the Bakke decision and affirmative action programs on enrollments in medical and law schools. Admission to medical schools and law schools is much sought after and is highly competitive. In examining admissions patterns to these schools the authors are able to identify the effects of affirmative action programs and the Bakke decision in what may be the most challenging case. This book will appeal to scholars of race and gender in political science, sociology and education as well as those interested in the study of affirmative action policies. Susan Welch is Dean of the College of Liberal Arts and Professor of Political Science, Pennsylvania State University. John Gruhl is Professor of Political Science, University of Nebraska-Lincoln.
Contradictions of Neo-Liberal Land Reforms
This empirically grounded study provides a critical reflection on the land question in Africa, research on which tends to be tangential, conceptually loose and generally inadequate. It argues that the most pressing research concern must be to understand the precise nature of the African land question, its land reforms and their effects on development. To unravel the roots of land conflicts in Africa requires thorough understanding of the complex social and political contradictions which have ensued from colonial and post-colonial land policies, as well as from Africa's 'development' and capital accumulation trajectories, especially with regard to the land rights of the continent's poor. The study thus questions the capacity of emerging neo-liberal economic and political regimes in Africa to deliver land reforms which address growing inequality and poverty. It equally questions the understanding of the nature of popular demands for land reforms by African states, and their ability to address these demands under the current global political and economic structures dictated by neo-liberalism and its narrow regime of ownership. The study invites scholars and policy makers to creatively draw on the specific historical trajectories and contemporary expression of the land and agrarian questions in Africa, to enrich both theory and practice on land in Africa.
Race, Democracy, and a New Reconstruction
Since the 1970s, Americans have witnessed a pyrrhic war on crime, with sobering numbers at once chilling and cautionary. Our imprisoned population has increased five-fold, with a commensurate spike in fiscal costs that many now see as unsupportable into the future. As American society confronts a multitude of new challenges ranging from terrorism to the disappearance of middle-class jobs to global warming, the war on crime may be up for reconsideration for the first time in a generation or more. Relatively low crime rates indicate that the public mood may be swinging toward declaring victory and moving on.
However, to declare that the war is over is dangerous and inaccurate, and After the War on Crime reveals that the impact of this war reaches far beyond statistics; simply moving on is impossible. The war has been most devastating to those affected by increased rates and longer terms of incarceration, but its reach has also reshaped a sweeping range of social institutions, including law enforcement, politics, schooling, healthcare, and social welfare. The war has also profoundly altered conceptions of race and community.
It is time to consider the tasks reconstruction must tackle. To do so requires first a critical assessment of how this war has remade our society, and then creative thinking about how government, foundations, communities, and activists should respond. After the War on Crime accelerates this reassessment with original essays by a diverse, interdisciplinary group of scholars as well as policy professionals and community activists. The volume's immediate goal is to spark a fresh conversation about the war on crime and its consequences; its long-term aspiration is to develop a clear understanding of how we got here and of where we should go.
Droits et pratiques des solidarités conjugales dans les nouvelles trajectoires familiales
Le principe d’égalité des sexes a redéfini la relation conjugale. La hiérarchie mari, femme et enfants a fait place à une relation contractuelle où homme et femme sont tous deux des sujets indépendants et libres de leur engagement.L’évolution des règles juridiques entourant ces nouvelles trajectoires familiales semble souvent ignorer les asymétries qui traversent la réalité des arrangements noués au sein des couples, comme les transactions à l'œuvre à la suite des séparations. Aussi, des chercheurs de la France, de la Belgique, de la Suisse et du Québec ont été amenés à développer une réflexion commune autour de la notion de «solidarité conjugale» en étudiant les normes et usages de l’argent et des biens de ces solidarités.Comment la solidarité conjugale s’exprime-t-elle à travers le droit et son évolution? Comment se dessinent aujourd'hui les relations économiques, matérielles et patrimoniales qui traversent les transactions intimes? À l'heure de «l'individualisation» des relations familiales, interroger le couple sous l’angle des solidarités conduit à souligner l’importance des liens d’interdépendance noués entre conjoints et permet de réinterroger les rapports de genre, en liant l'analyse des pratiques et des choix privés et celle de la dimension institutionnelle de la vie conjugale.
Immigrant Rights, the Constitution, and Equality in America
Throughout American history, the government has used U.S. citizenship and immigration law to protect privileged groups from less privileged ones, using citizenship as a “:legitimate” proxy for otherwise invidious, and often unconstitutional, discrimination on the basis of race. While racial discrimination is rarely legally acceptable today, profiling on the basis of citizenship is still largely unchecked, and has in fact arguably increased in the wake of the September 11 terror attacks on the United States. In this thoughtful examination of the intersection between American immigration and constitutional law, Victor C. Romero draws our attention to a “constitutional immigration law paradox” that reserves certain rights for U.S. citizens only, while simultaneously purporting to treat all people fairly under constitutional law regardless of citizenship.
As a naturalized Filipino American, Romero brings an outsider's perspective to Alienated, forcing us to look at constitutional immigration law from the vantage point of people whose citizenship status is murky (either legally or from the viewpoint of other citizens and lawmakers), including foreign-born adoptees, undocumented immigrants, tourists, foreign students, and same-gender bi-national partners. Romero endorses an equality-based reading of the Constitution and advocates a new theoretical and practical approach that protects the individual rights of non-citizens without sacrificing their personhood.