Upland Transformations in Vietnam

10. “Stretched Livelihoods”: Social and Economic Connections between the Red River Delta and the Central Highlands

 Upland Transformations in Vietnam 10 “Stretched Livelihoods”: Social and Economic Connections between the Red River delta and the Central Highlands Alexandra Winkels Introduction People, and indeed the places in which they live—which may be categorized along territorial, environmental and/or ethnic lines—do not exist as isolated social actors or arenas. Analyzing social and economic change in one geographic area or within one ethnic group therefore necessitates a view of the region within its wider context and linkages (Rigg 2006). Vietnam’s upland regions are linked to other regions through, among other things, economic exchange, migrant networks and regional policies. Economic trade between traders in the upland areas and lowland markets and ports is one of the most obvious connections (see Chapter 1 by Salemink in this volume). Other, subtler connections exist between upland and lowland areas as a result of migrations between these two regions. Over the past 20 years the Central Highlands region, also known as Tây Nguyên, has become a major destination for migrants from all over Vietnam. Those who leave the Red River Delta are most likely to go to the Central Highlands.1 It is not an exaggeration to say that in this relatively short period migration has fundamentally transformed the upland area. The rapid development of commercial agriculture in the uplands has been positive for land speculators, migrants and their families, as well as the regional and national economy. Yet the consequences of rapid population growth and the unsustainable use of upland soil and water resources are less positive for indigenous populations as well as old and  “Stretched Lielihoods”  new settlers. Despite these, mainly negative, changes in the destination areas, the rate of migration to the Central Highlands does not seem to be falling (GSO 2001). Rather, it appears that migrants adapt their behaviour to this ever-changing matrix of opportunities and risks in the Central Highlands. Interviews with migrant families in the Red River Delta indicate that one way of dealing with the rapid changes experienced in the Central Highlands is for migrants to remain actively involved in the home area. This ensures flexibility when choosing how to respond to the next opportunity or new challenges presented to them. Little is known about how these continuing connections between migrants and their home communities impact on migrant livelihoods and dynamics as well as on social and economic conditions in both the Central Highlands region and the migrant sending area. In this paper I take a closer look at why and how those migrating between the Red River Delta and the Central Highlands maintain close links to their home communities and what impacts this has on both the migrants and the environments they inhabit. The discussion in this chapter is informed by interviews with migrants in both the Red River Delta and the Central Highlands, respectively a net out-migration area and net in-migration area since 1975. During 2000, 2001 and 2004, I visited migrants and their families and talked to numerous officials in Giao Thuỷ District (Nam Định province), located in the Red River Delta.2 The net in-migration area I visited included Tân Phú District (Đồng Nai province) and Bù Đăng District (Bình Phước province); both are situated at the southern plateau of Vietnam’s Central Highlands region (Tây Nguyên). Access to these sites was facilitated through the Cát Tiên National Park authorities. The recently published 2004 Migration Survey (GSO 2005) is another important source of empirical information about micro-level impacts of internal migration in Vietnam on which I draw in this paper. In order to assess the connections of migrants to their home communities , this chapter first provides a brief overview of historical and contemporary migration patterns between the Red River Delta and the Central Highlands. The changes that occurred in the upland destination, largely as a result of mass in-migration over the past 20 years, are also important to consider as they provide migrants with a certain, and indeed continually changing, risk context to which they respond. I then use migrant experiences more directly to illustrate how and why migrants keep their connections to the home area alive over prolonged periods. Finally, and before concluding, I discuss the impacts of this so-called stretching on both migrants and the places they inhabit. 0 Upland Transformations in Vietnam Historical Patterns of Migration between the...