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83 Constructing a “Constructive” Opposition HUSSIN MUTALIB After leading Singapore and the People’s Action Party (PAP) for over 30 years, Lee Kuan Yew was neither able to secure support for his choice of successor nor retain his characteristic strong-man trademark in governing Singapore. Officially appointed as Singapore’s second prime minister on 28 November 1990, Goh Chok Tong was aware of Lee’s preference for Dr Tony Tan as heir and of Lee’s paternalistic, authoritarian ways of governing the Republic. Goh was also conscious of the widely held public perception that he was a temporary “seat warmer” who would pave the way for Lee’s son, Brigadier General (BG) Lee Hsien Loong.1 The inclusion of Lee Kuan Yew as Senior Minister (SM) in the new Cabinet line-up added fuel to such a perception; to many, the move meant that the SM was merely “stepping aside” rather than “stepping down”.2 Against this backdrop, Goh declared his intention of governing Singapore differently from his predecessor. In one of his earliest statements, Goh highlighted three key words that he hoped would capture the essence of what Singaporeans could expect of his style:“participation,accommodation , consensus”.3 Within a year of assuming office, in his first National Day Rally Speech in 1991, Goh introduced a phrase that hitherto had been unheard of, namely,“consultative government”. By 1996, this slogan had become a catchphrase, as Goh went about outlining a political future for Singaporeans where “you are going to see us sharing with you the burdens of government, and the choices we have got to make”. 4 This was a significant departure from Lee’s governing preferences, which were revealed by Lee himself: If I were in authority in Singapore indefinitely, without having to ask those who are being governed whether they like what is being done, then I don’t have the slightest doubt that I could govern much more effectively in their own interest.5 The contrasting style did not escape the attention of many, including Lee’s close confidante, S. Rajaratnam, himself a founding member of the PAP: “Mr. Lee believes in original sin, that man is sinful. Chok Tong believes that man is redeemed … He’s [Lee] a 7 84 HUSSIN MUTALIB knife, he needs a grindstone. The grindstone must be tough …”6 On his part, Lee himself acknowledged that Goh was different from him because Goh liked to get people “to work for him”7 and did not carry a“big stick” in governing the country.8 The writer’s own encounters with Goh—including at least four“four eyes only”meetings in his office, one of which was in the writer’s capacity as the first founding chairman of the Association of Muslim Professionals (AMP)—led him to conclude that in Goh Chok Tong, Singapore had a PM who had ushered in a more democratic governing culture for the Republic. What ensued from Goh’s determination to be his own man and to do things his way was a series of policies and initiatives that, at least on the surface, demonstrated that his second-generation leadership team was more than eager to break free of Lee’s thirty-year ruling culture.The latter’s tenure had been characterised by a nanny-coddled,“we know best’’ governing attitude vis-à-vis the citizenry. Even in his early days in government as a senior Cabinet member and deputy prime minister, Goh had launched the Feedback Unit (1985), the Institute of Policy Studies (1987) and many government parliamentary committees. These institutions sought to engage talented Singaporeans to offer new ideas with which policies and other national issues could be better approached. The writer’s participation in many of these discussions validates such official intentions and concerns for greater public debate on national issues. Goh also introduced the Nominated Member of Parliament (NMP) Bill, passed by Parliament on 29 March 1990, in order to“offer Singaporeans more opportunities for political participation and to evolve a more consensual style of government where alternative views are heard and constructive dissent accommodated”.9 In 1991, Goh also mooted the national blueprint called “Singapore: The Next Lap”. This road map had the expressed goal of transforming Singapore into more than just a prosperous nation over the next 20 to 30 years, but one with character and grace, “where people live lives of dignity and fulfilment, and care for one...

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