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34 A Journalist’s Note on a Quiet Rebel P.N. BALJI One sad aspect of life in Singapore is the paucity of intelligent and meaningful literature that connects the dots on a political canvas. If done with some courage, this would reveal a far more vibrant nation. One such dot occurred a few years ago at a private dinner at the Istana.1 It was to mark Chap Goh Mei, the last day of the Lunar New Year, when the prime minister gives one of his two most important speeches of the year, the other being the National Day Rally speech. The notable difference is that the Chap Goh Mei dinner speech is traditionally closed to media coverage. On this occasion, it was not what then Prime Minister Goh Chok Tong said but did that was significant. After dinner, the guests were seated when then Senior Minister Lee Kuan Yew and his wife walked down the steps.The security guard ushered them to their seats.Few among the guests moved. A few seconds later, as Goh and his wife walked down the steps, the audience applauded. The spontaneity was palpable. The same security guard indicated where the prime minister and Mrs Goh were to sit. But Goh, astutely reading the warmth displayed by the audience, stopped and gestured the audience towards the two empty rows behind the seated dignitaries, “Come forward, come forward. Sit here.” If one needed an icebreaker for a damp, cold and august occasion, one would be hard put to find another. For a deputy who was not his boss’choice to take over, for a rising leader who was vilified publicly for his wooden personality,and for a man considered by many as a seat warmer,that event at the Istana must have been a very memorable and satisfying one. With that kind of baggage thrust onto him 17 years ago, how did Goh manage to become arguably Singapore’s most popular politician? With the intellectual weight, political might and national will of a man like Lee Kuan Yew hovering over this island state, how did Goh become his own man? And with a citizenry that is known more for its runners than its rebels, how did Goh manage to put a soft sheen on the rough and tough image of the People’s Action Party (PAP)? More importantly, how did he manage to move away from one of the most jealously guarded philosophies of Lee Kuan Yew and his“Old Order” welfarism? 2 A JOURNALIST’S NOTE ON A QUIET REBEL 35 Just three weeks into his prime ministership, Goh was already announcing plans for a $5 billion fund to give handouts to students who could use the money for enrichment activities.2 Over his years in office, he also introduced other semi-welfarist measures like Medifund and Medisave top-ups as part of medical benefits, and Housing and Development Board (HDB) upgrading of public housing. But what was most startling was the giving of money in the form of shares to Singaporeans in 2001. The philosophy of these moves, especially the last one, was a stark departure from the “Pay And Pay” culture that the PAP has often been mocked for. Asked how Goh had managed to manoeuvre around this nothing-is-for-free precept of the Lee government, a long-time friend of his said,“Many people don’t know the real Chok Tong. He is a quiet achiever. Behind that personable exterior lurks a rebel. Not a destructive rebel, but one who builds his case persuasively and wins over people with his sincerity”. To an observer watching from the sidelines, this part of Goh’s 14 years in power might not be so apparent. Instead, he is remembered more for wanting to make Singapore a kinder, gentler and more consultative nation, and for the fact that under his watch, Singapore’s gross domestic product (GDP) grew from $67 billion when he entered office in 1990 to $181 billion in 2004. The increase in GDP per capita was similarly impressive, growing from $22,000 to $42,000.3 Goh was a refreshing wind of change in Singapore politics. With a more consultative society as his political mantra, Goh made sure this style was so entrenched in the body politic that when he handed over power in 2004, incoming Prime Minister Lee Hsien Loong continued Goh’s theme and talked about an inclusive society. Some might argue...

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