In lieu of an abstract, here is a brief excerpt of the content:

Production of Ethnic Identity in Kenya Karega-Munene Introduction Human beings have, through space and time, used numerous markers of identity to distinguish themselves from the next person or group. These markers include one’s name, which is given at birth, a few days after birth or through rituals like baptism; the sex and age of a person both of which are biologically determined although one can cross-dress, undergo sex-change or plastic surgery or even dye their hair in an attempt to conceal their age; plus gender which is socially ascribed. Other important markers of identity include family, lineage, age set, clan, ethnic, racial or religious affiliation as well as cultural, social, economic, political, national and continental markers. All these markers are learned from older members of society (especially kin, friends and leaders), educational institutions, the media and one’s circumstances and experiences. One’s title,1 position in society, occupation, educational attainment, demeanour, plus manner of dress, presenting the self and addressing others also serve as markers of identities. Visibility of the manner of dress, for instance, renders dress a ‘loud’ marker of identity for Kenyan pupils, high school students, the police, military personnel and medical professionals because they all wear prescribed dress (i.e., uniform). Such ‘loudness’is also evident among communities like the Maasai and the Turkana who live in southern and north-western Kenya, respectively. That is because they have maintained their ‘traditional’ ways of life, including distinctive modes of dress. Similarly, members of religious groups like the Muslims, the Sikhs and the Akorino2 are identifiable from their manner of dressing. In response to a question on identity in an ongoing research on heritage management and memorialisation in Kenya3 Maasai female respondents have identified dress as a marker of Maasai identity together with walking style, body type and economic lifestyle. Thus, to the informants, language, culture, political organisation and occupation of a defined territory, which are generally agreed on as markers of ethnic identity (e.g. Eriksen 2002) are unimportant. That is probably because these attributes are shared with people who are not Maasai.4 production of ethnic identity in kenya 41 42 ETHNIC DIVERSITY IN EASTERN AFRICA Ethnic identity and ethnicity Of all the markers of identity named above, the most pronounced and also the most divisive in Kenya and elsewhere has been ethnic identity. That is because it can and is often is manipulated by sections of the elite, largely for selfish political and economic gains. Where this happens it leads to polarisation in society between groups, hence the ‘us’ versus ‘them’ phenomenon. Indeed, just as “Colonial states deliberately kept the colonized peoples in perpetual tension through the well-known imperial tradition of divide and rule” (wa Thiong’o 2009: 20), the ‘othering’of those who are deemed not to belong to a given ethnic group creates or aggravates inter-communal tension often leading to destruction of human life, livelihoods and property as well as displacement of citizens from their homes. In the eastern African region, for instance, this is evidenced by the 1994 Rwandan genocide (Cook 2006; Melvern 2004) and by occurrences of pre- and post-election violence in Kenya (Republic of Kenya 1999, 2008). The divisive nature of ethnic identity has been most evident in Kenya during a few months before and after general elections since the reintroduction of multi-party politics in the early 1990s (Republic of Kenya 1999, 2008). Multi-party politics is competitive and, therefore, requires mobilisation and consolidation of fairly solid voting blocks in order to capture power. That Kenya’s political parties are devoid of ideologies, politicians find it easier to organise their voting blocks along ethnic lines. Consequently, people who are generally reasonable beings and exercise the ability to think individually acquiesce to the wishes of the politicians concerned and suddenly seem to acquire the capacity to think and behave uniformly as members of a given ethnic group! This apparent powerfulness of ethnic identity begs understanding of how ethnic identity, which is not biological, comes into existence. Two ethnic groups in Kenya – the Kalenjin and the Luhya – provide us with outstanding examples of social-political production of group identities within the last sixty or so years. Although the two are among the five largest ethnic groups in the country today, during the sunset years of British colonialism they regarded themselves as minority groups, hence their membership of Kenya African Democratic Union (KADU) (Blundell 1994; Goldsworthy 1982). While this situation may appear ironical, it provides...

Share