Electing Hong Kong's Chief Executive

6 - Conclusions and Reflections

6 Conclusions and Reflections 1 Introduction The EC is the child in Hong Kong’s political system. Its birth in 1998 was a milestone as it embodied a system that gave Hong Kong people, for the first time, the power to select the highest political office holder in the HKSAR. Having had only two further elections since that birth (in 2000 and 2006), this child has yet to mature. In its infancy the EC elected a small proportion of legislative council members but this ceased after 2000. It has discharged its main function of nominating CE candidates on three occasions, and its other main function of electing the CE has only been exercised once. Given its short history there is really only so much that one can conclude about this unique political institution. Nevertheless this child is clearly in the process of growing up. Both nature and nurture will play a role in its future development. 2 EC and Chinese Interests What have been the achievements of the youthful EC? Without doubt, it has served the interests of the Chinese central authorities. The EC has allowed the central authorities to maintain a firm grip over both the nomination of CE candidates and the ultimate selection of the CE. With the resignation of Mr. Tung, the central authorities learned an important lesson about the type of leader needed for the evolving and dynamic Hong Kong. It realised that the CE must be in touch with the sentiments of the local people, responsive to their concerns, and accountable (in the non-electoral sense) to both Beijing and the people. Thus the controlled competition in the 2007 CE election served the purposes of the central authorities as it forced the leader-in-waiting (Mr. Tsang) to engage with the people, formulate policy, and make public promises which might not have been made in the absence of another nominated competitor for the position. The EC has also served Chinese interests in fielding candidates to serve as HKSAR deputies to the National People’s Congress (NPC). The EC system is better than the 94 Electing Hong Kong’s Chief Executive alternative: an appointment system with deputies being nominated by the Hong Kong Government. The current system enables the NPC to obtain unofficial Hong Kong views on national issues. But the system is sufficiently controlled and limiting to exclude more radical individuals and controversial ideas. 3 EC and Hong Kong People How has the EC system benefited Hong Kong people, if at all? On the one hand it has discharged its constitutional functions competently with little fanfare or controversy. One might, however, criticise the system for its failure to preclude an unpopular CE (C.H. Tung) from returning to office for a second term. In the end, direct Chinese intervention was required to make up for this shortcoming of the EC system. The 2007 CE election is proof that the EC system is compatible with the holding of a competitive CE election with candidates having different backgrounds. But the jury is still out on whether the system is capable of producing a genuine contest in which more than one candidate has a reasonable opportunity of winning the election. Even if the current system is incompatible with genuine competition, the 2007 CE election confirmed that the system is conducive to producing the political campaigning, debates and expression typically seen in free and democratic societies.1 It is this political environment that led the current CE (Tsang) to make promises and commitments which the media and public have used to measure the performance of his administration. Perhaps the most significant achievement that arose from these election promises was the initiation of the process to settle the issue of a timetable for universal suffrage.2 Tsang most likely had mainland support to bring the issue to the surface and to reach some certainty in the matter. While some people are still disappointed with the long delay before universal suffrage will be possible, the NPC Standing Committee (NPCSC) decision in December, 2007 (NPCSC 2007 Decision) managed to lower the political temperature on an emotive issue which had helped impel people to demonstrate on the streets. In hindsight the administration might be commended for having settled the timetable issue several months before the serious global economic downturn in 2008. It could well be that there were political contingencies that led to the intense competition and active campaigning witnessed in the 2007 CE election (and 2007 LegCo by-election). Without adequate institutional...