Beyond Brushtalk: Sino-Japanese Literary Exchange in the Interwar Period

Notes

Notes Introduction 1. Joshua Fogel, “Japanese Literary Travelers in Prewar China,” Harvard Journal of Asiatic Studies 49: 2 (1989), 578. 2. It must be admitted that increasingly in East Asia, as elsewhere, spoken English is serving the intercessory function formerly served by written classical Chinese. Nevertheless, I witnessed my wife, who is Japanese and cannot speak Chinese, communicate via written characters at the market and elsewhere when we were living in Wenzhou, China. 3. Robert Borgen, “The Japanese Mission to China, 801–806,” Monumenta Nipponica 37: 1 (Spring 1982), 1. 4. This type of communication within China was widespread until the advent of compulsory education made standard Chinese, putonghua, nearly universal. 5. Jonathan W. Best, “Diplomatic and Cultural Contacts between Paekche and China,” Harvard Journal of Asiatic Studies 42: 2 (December 1982), 444. 6. Ibid., 449. 7. In the Six Dynasties period, this granting of titles was essentially a symbolic act, and there were ultimately few responsibilities incumbent upon either side. Ibid., 449. 8. Ibid., 448. 9. Ibid., 451. 10. Ibid., 451. 11. Ibid., 468. 12. Robert Borgen, Sugawara no Michizane and the Early Heian Court (Honolulu: University of Hawai’i Press, 1994), 6. 13. Ibid., 6. 14. Ibid., 227. 15. Ibid., 19. 16. Ibid., 2. 17. Borgen, “The Japanese Mission to China,” 2. 18. Ibid., 4. 19. Ibid., 11. 20. The memorial to Kūkai in Xian is located at the Qinglongsi Temple southeast of the old city walls. The memorial jointly commemorates the contributions of Kūkai and his master, the Chinese monk Huiguo. Interestingly, though it is a relatively modest temple by the grand standards of Xian, and rarely visited by most tourists, it is considered a must-see for Japanese visitors to the city. 21. Borgen, Sugawara no Michizane, 34. 22. Ibid., 97. 23. Ibid., 260. 24. The degree of Parhae’s desire to be recognized by Japan can be gauged by the fact that they sent no fewer than thirty-three separate missions to Japan. See Borgen, Sugawara no Michizane, 227. 25. Ibid., 335. 26. Ibid., 6. 27. Interestingly and ironically, given his fate, Sugawara no Michizane’s name became the rallying cry in the Tokugawa period for elements in the intellectual world concerned with asserting the importance of Chinese thought in determining Japanese social and cultural values. Consequently, the motto wagon kansai (Japanese spirit, Chinese learning) was incorrectly attributed to Michizane. Ibid., 6. 28. Ibid., 253. 29. It is not the goal of this study to examine this complex body of writing by kangakusha. Joshua Fogel has mined that field intensively, and those interested in this phenomenon should start by reading Dr. Fogel’s The Cultural Dimension of Sino-Japanese Relations: Essays on the Nineteenth and Twentieth Centuries (Armonk, NY: M.E. Sharpe, 1995). 30. Ibid., 93. The kangakusha employed brushtalk in the traditional manner of exchanging official greetings as prescribed by Sinitic protocol. However, they also used the brush to communicate in more mundane ways as well, such as transactions in the marketplace. Joshua Fogel provides some examples of such exchanges in The Cultural Dimension, such as the exchange involving Hibino Teruhiro on page 81. 31. Ibid., 103. 32. Ibid., 105. 33. Ibid., 196. 34. Zheng Chun, Liuxue beijing yu Zhongguo xiandai wenxue (The Background of Overseas Study and Modern Chinese Literature) (Jinan: Shandong jiaoyu chubanshe, 2002), 32. 35. Ibid., 32. 36. Ibid., 33. 37. Ibid., 5. 38. For more about the question of the influence of Japanese on modern Chinese literary style, see Edward Gunn, Rewriting Chinese: Style and Innovation in Twentieth-Century Chinese Prose (Stanford: Stanford University Press, 1991). 39. For example, there were a great number of works in Japanese translation and original Japanese works available in Uchiyama Kanzō’s bookstore in Shanghai at which Lu Xun and Tian Han, among others, regularly purchased books. See Wang Huoying, “Neishan Wanzao” [Uchiyama Kanzō] in Lu Xun zawen cidian (Lu Xun Miscellanea Dictionary) (Shandong: Shandong Xinhua shudian, 1986), 486. Moreover, these writers and other intellectuals also became conversant with Western political theory, including Marxist ideology, through Japanese translations. Sylvia Chan, “Realism or Socialist Realism? The ‘Proletarian’ Episode in Modern Chinese Literature, 1927– 1932,” The Australian Journal of Chinese Affairs, no. 9 (January 1983), 63. 164 Notes to pp. 6–11 40. Fang Changan, “Xingcheng, diaozheng yu zhibian: Zhou Zuoren ‘Ren de wenxue’ guanyu Riben wenxue de guanxi” (Form, Control, and Transformation: Perspectives on the Relationship of Zhou Zuoren’s “Humane...