In lieu of an abstract, here is a brief excerpt of the content:

18 Hong Kong's Future After 200 7 Annex II , Clause II I of the Basi c Law of the Hon g Kon g Specia l Administrative Regio n deal s wit h th e votin g procedure s subsequent to the year 2007. It states: With regard to the method for forming the Legislative Council of the Hong Kong Special Administrative Region and its procedures for voting on bills and motions after 2007,if there is a need to amend the provisions of this Annex, such amendments must be made with the endorsement of a two-thirds majorityof all the members of the Council and the consent of the Chief Executive, and they shall be reported t o th e Standin g Committe e o f th e Nationa l People' s Congress for the record. Too little regard has been paid to the condition 'i f there i s a need' i n thi s clause, which has been widely interpreted to mean that, after the year 2007, the Legislative Council will probably be fully electe d by direct election. I see no such promise. It may be wishful thinkin g on the part of those who are anxious to become the ruling party after 2007 . Nor d o I think, i n th e presen t circumstance s i n th e politica l arena , that i t would be wise to press for a fully elected legislature, unless Council members will adopt a more compromising an d statesmanlike relationshi p between the radicals and the administration, which will still be the ultimate power i n a n executive-le d government . Afte r all , Hon g Kon g i s not a n 154 Colonial Hong Kong in the Eyes of Ebie Tu independent territor y but remains part of China, though some Legislative Councillors tal k a s i f the y regar d Hon g Kon g a s a n independen t state . Constant confrontation by a majority in the Legislative Council could lead to stagnation in the administration of the territory and that would be in the interests of no one. In fact, all democracies can only exist on compromises, or collapse in chaos. Hong Kong's very existence depends upon keeping a balance between its only two assets: capital and labour. If capital gains the upper hand, th e workers may suffer, a s they do even i n the United States , which claims to be the number-one democracy in the world. If workers gain the upper hand, the econom y coul d collapse , eithe r becaus e businesse s woul d pul l ou t o f Hong Kong or because small businesses would go bankrupt du e to worker demands fo r mor e benefits . I t seem s t o m e tha t w e nee d a fifty-fift y arrangement for the post-2007 term of office o f the Legislative Council, in order to ensure a good balance between capital and labour. This fifty-fift y arrangement will in fact be carried out in the third term, according to th e Basic Law, and we can then judge from the results whether further change s are necessary at the following election . If a fifty-fifty arrangemen t is to be successful, I suggest that we need to ensure that the Functional Constituencies cover all sectors of the population and tha t al l possibl e avenue s fo r corruptio n o r persona l influenc e ar e eradicated. If, on the other hand, we were to opt for direct election for all seats by universal suffrage, I see some weaknesses in what is the Western concept of democracy. Labour far outweighs capital in terms of voter numbers, and as we have discovere d i n Hon g Kong , thos e wh o g o for direc t electio n ar e generally socia l workers , teachers , lawyer s an d othe r traditionall y libera l professionals. Many of them understand little or nothing about economics, technology an d othe r moder n factor s o f today' s world . Highl y qualifie d people i n advance d technolog y seldo m hav e th e tim e o r th e interes t t o spend on electioneering, yet their advic e is essential i n a modern society . Good governmen t need s a balanc e betwee n...

Share