Musical Worlds of Yogyakarta

6. Regional Parliament

6 Regional Parliament During the New Order period, Indonesia’s political structure extended from central government to province, regency/municipality , sub-district, and finally the kampung levels of sub-ward and neighbourhood association. Changes following Soeharto’s fall in 1998 had profound consequences for this complex structure. The Regional Autonomy Law, implemented in 2001, was especially influential (Ryaas Rasyid 2003; Bubandt 2004; Erb, Sulistiyanto, and Faucher 2005). Under the new law, the functions of the sectoral ministry offices were shifted to the more autonomous ‘local service units’, initiating Indonesia’s largest bureaucratic restructuring since 1974 (Ryaas Rasyid 2003:64-5) and precipitating heated contests between Jakarta and the regions and within the regions themselves. At the same time, regional parliaments, known locally as DPRD, gained greater powers in matters of regional policy and leadership. The regional parliaments thereby gained significance in what Bourdieu (1994:5-7) calls the bureaucratic field. Added to all of this, Yogyakarta remained in the highly unusual position of having a Sultan as governor. The central location of Yogyakarta’s Regional Parliament building reinforces its socio-political importance. Located in the middle of bustling Malioboro Street, it is only metres away from heavily populated street stalls and shops, next door to the Garuda Hotel, and close to Malioboro Mall. Public actions such as student and worker demonstrations often took place here, which in turn served to bring political activists and those involved in everyday commercial activities into close physical proximity. Organized musical events here were staged in various parts of the complex, reflecting power relations between organizers, participants, and political leaders. The Parliament and its grounds was in this way an important interface between struggles over statist capital and wider public protest amidst the multi-ethnic, international and cosmopolitan Malioboro Street. | Musical worlds in Yogyakarta 132 Performance organizers often conceived of, organized, and finally carried out events according to an established formula. As some street musicians explained it to me, the initial impetus was usually a simple desire to perform; subsequently, an organizer or coalition of organizers sought out a theme that would be acceptable to government officials. The final step was the relatively straightforward task of securing licenses and sponsors for the performance. Put another way, the desire of musicians to perform, rather than any state directive, often initiated and drove state events. At the same time, Sumit Mandal (2003:185) demonstrates how Indonesian artists have often taken on ‘public, oppositional and dramatic stances’ in settings such as Malioboro Street. These factors further illustrate the complex interplays of political manoeuvring and pleasure seeking that characterise public performances in Yogyakarta. As will be further discussed, central actors in the following cases were Tyas, a street-arts leader; Roem, private assistant to Yogyakarta ’s future mayor; and Yanto, gangster, religious leader, and the owner of a campursari orchestra. Performances at the Regional Parliament gave rise to distinct contests for state capital coloured by themes of local unity as well as more leisurely pursuits and/or inter-culturally tolerant agendas. awards night CAMPURSARI An ‘Awards Night’ held at the Regional Parliament was of direct benefit to wielders of capital within the bureaucratic field. The Tombo Sutris campursari orchestra was the sole musical act for the event and, although it did not explicitly address a nationalist theme, paradoxically there was an overtly political agenda. The event was advertised as an opportunity to honour community service, and yet political, religious, and business leaders used the event to combine public rallying with what can be termed statist capital. Tombo Sutris members included those in the highly skilled and adaptable Kusuman kampung orchestra discussed earlier. The dozen musicians played gamelan instruments in combination with keyboards, bass guitar, and dangdut and kroncong instruments, and there were six female singers, two Masters of Ceremonies (MCs), and an Imam (Islamic communal prayer leader). Yanto, the orchestra’s owner and manager, was a high-level gangster (preman) that some people likened to Robin Hood.1 He headed 1 For other examples of preman, see Antariksa 2001; Wilson 2010. 6 Regional Parliament | 133 youth gangs attached to particular political parties, as well as pickpocket and gambling rings; he also funded schooling for children in his neighbourhood and bailed out subordinates detained for petty crimes. Additionally, the orchestra regularly performed for and entertained underprivileged groups ranging from sex workers to prisoners. Some casual observers believed that Yanto was a reformed criminal with wholeheartedly benevolent motives. By...