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657 Document No. 114: Record of Conversation between Mikhail gorbachev and François Mitterrand December 6, 1989 Gorbachev finds the French president seemingly in complete agreement about Kohl, but not much help in doing anything specific to slow down the rush toward German unification. On the common European home idea, Mitterrand’s language is music to Gorbachev’s ears: “We should not change the order of the processes. First and foremost among them should be European integration, the evolution of Eastern Europe , and the all-European process.” But, he adds, “Kohl’s speech, his 10 points, has turned everything upside down.” Yet, Mitterrand falls back on his treaty commitments with the FRG that make it “more difficult for me than maybe for others to deny the Germans the right to make mistakes.” Gorbachev reports in detail on his conversation with Genscher (see previous document), but all the Frenchman can offer is moral support to Gorbachev for his “courage” in “reject[ing] established ideas inherited from the past. But you radiate calm, and you are even in a good mood.” There is a hint, however, of the factor that would ultimately tip the balance toward unification, when Mitterrand asks about the response to the idea in East Germany . Gorbachev deludes himself that “more than half of the population of the GDR would like to preserve the existing character of their country, with changes in its political structure, of course …” The March 1990 elections in the GDR would prove otherwise. Gorbachev: I will tell you honestly—I am not satisfied with the results of this part of my conversation with Bush. Here is my conclusion. The Europeans should do the pioneer work in terms of making sense of the new world—of course with U.S. participation. But nonetheless, nothing will work without Europe . […] Gorbachev: I have a feeling that the U.S. is not completely open about their position, that they are not presenting it fully. Mitterrand: That is true […] The Americans are not telling the complete truth, including on the german issue. Nevertheless, I do not think that they are ready to take the position of changing European borders. […] I am speaking with you absolutely freely. We have special relations with the FRg. In 1963 De gaulle and Adenauer signed an alliance treaty, and I am abiding by that treaty. That is why it is more difficult for me than maybe for others to deny the germans the right to make mistakes. But I am being true to my duty— to preserve the balance in Europe. We should not change the order of the processes. First and foremost among them should be European integration, the evolution of Eastern Europe, and the all-European process, the creation of a peaceful order in Europe. If the Melyakova book.indb 657 2010.04.12. 16:21 658 United States participates in these processes, it would give all of us additional guarantees. Kohl’s speech, his 10 points, has turned everything upside down. He mixed all the factors together, he is rushing. I told genscher about it, and he did not oppose my conclusions very much. Gorbachev: That is interesting! But I will speak about that later. […] Mitterrand: What exactly are you going to do next? Gorbachev: First of all, we are going to continue the line of peaceful change. Let every country determine its direction on its own. We are convinced that there should be no external interference; the will of the people should not be misrepresented. […] You are right in saying that we should not only observe, but act. We need to trust every country, and to expand cooperation. […] Gorbachev: […] We had a major conversation with genscher. And it could not have been otherwise—for us, the german issue is a painful one. Our society reacted sharply to the chancellor’s actions. And I told him directly—if you want to blow up, to destroy everything that we have achieved, then continue to act as you are. But then all the responsibility lies with you. Do not forget that even midlevel politicians should calculate their actions two or three steps ahead. The chancellor spoke about a confederation of the gDR and the FRg. By the way, he said in Brussels that Bush supported the idea. I asked genscher what a confederation means. Doesn’t it mean a single foreign and defense policy? That is what is written in all the textbooks. But how can two german states work out this single policy...

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