East African Archaeology: Foragers, Potters, Smiths, and Traders

4. Ceramic Ethnoarchaeology: Some Examples from Kenya

4 Ceramic Ethnoarchaeology: Some Examples from Kenya Simiyu Wandibba This chapter focuses on production, distribution, exchange, and pottery style among modern Kenyan potters, as well as inter-group interaction and stylistic variability.The factors that create homogeneity or heterogeneity in ceramic styles are examined by looking at who makes the pots, the learning processes involved, organization of potting activities, stylistics of wares produced, and postmarital residential patterns. It also examines vessel life expectancy, recycling, spatial distribution, and disposal. It concludes that some aspects of pottery style are consistent within modern Kenyan ethnic groupings, although variability exists within communities in many aspects of pottery style. Pottery has attracted considerable attention from archaeologists. One important reason for this is that pottery is durable and at the same time ubiquitous in the later archaeological record. Pottery has been used to define the basic chronological and distributional parameters of prehistoric sociocultural systems in attempts to discover evidence of local and long-distance exchange, to reconstruct the development of craft specialization, to identify ethnic and other social groups, and to reconstruct learning frameworks and elements of social organization (Kramer 1994). As can be seen in the work of Kramer (1994), the archaeological utility of pottery has almost no limits.All these interests, however, can be grouped according to four broad themes—production, production and social organi- zation, use and disposal, and change (Kramer 1985). Ethnoarchaeological studies of pottery attempt to throw light on these issues,although some topics have tended to attract more attention than others.The issues that have been investigated most extensively are production and the organization of production. Some of the studies have not been systematic enough to yield the kind of information required for cross-cultural generalizations. Let us look at how the four issues have been tackled in Kenya. Most of the work done so far has been of an ethnographic rather than an ethnoarchaeological nature. Production Since the mid-1960s, ethnoarchaeological studies of pottery production have shifted from simple descriptions of manufacturing processes to detailed accounts of how production relates to the natural and the socioeconomic environment. Studies now focus on acquisition and preparation of the clay, manufacturing processes (including their location), and distribution .A number of studies in Kenya have addressed these issues, with varying degrees of success (Barbour and Wandibba 1989; Blackburn 1973; Gill 1981; Herbich 1981; Omollo 1988).These studies show that potters are aware that some potting clays require additives (tempering materials) before they can be used, while others do not. If additives are required, they are in the form of sand,grog (crushed pot),or rock.Generally,tempering materials are locally available, but sometimes they may be obtained from afar.The Gikuyu potters of Kiria, for example, use disintegrated granitic rock, which has to be transported over a distance that can be at times more than 40 km. On the other hand, Luo potters at Ng’iya use grog as their tempering material. Kenyan potters generally obtain clay from river and stream banks, lakesides ,and marshy swamps but on occasion potters obtain their clay from termitaria (Wandibba 1995). For most potters, both the clay and the tempering materials are found near their homes. In the case of Kiria potters, however , not only is the source of their granitic temper quite distant, the clay also is from a source about 10 km away.Traditionally, Kiria potters relied on donkeys for the transportation of both materials, but they now use motor transport for the temper. In both cases, the potters do not acquire the materials directly from the source but through third parties who exchange the materials for cash.To ensure regular availability, the potters stockpile both materials. To improve the quality of the raw material, some potters mix together different colored clays instead of using temper. For example, Brown (1972) states that Kamba potters collect clays of three different colors—black, red, and white.The clays are mixed in varying proportions, depending largely on East African Archaeology: Foragers, Potters, Smiths, and Traders 60 the individual potter’s preference (Gill 1981).The Adavida also mix three different clays—gray, red, and blue (Soper 1989)—while some Luo potters mix a red and a black clay (Herbich 1981; Omollo 1988). Logoli potters also mix red and black clays (Barbour 1989). Most potters use the traditional coiling technique to form their vessels, but some employ slab modeling.Whereas some potters make their pots in one piece...