BRINGING DOWN THE MOUNTAINS: THE IMPACT OF MOUTAINTOP REMOVAL SURFACE COAL MINING ON SOUTHERN WEST VIRGINIA COMMUNITIES

4. "You Scratc h My Back and I’ll Scratch Yours": The Political Economy of Coal

60 4 You Scratch My Back,and I’ll ScratchYours: The Political Economy of Coal [W]hether we like it or not, West Virginia’s hills will be stripped, the bowels of the earth will be mined and the refuse strewn across our valleys and our mountains in the form of burning slate dumps. This refuse will continue to be dumped into our once clear mountain streams. We are paying a fearful price to allow the coal to be extracted from the hills of West Virginia . . . —Gov. William C. Marland (1953–1957) From its inception, West Virginia supplied numerous opportunities for the business entrepreneur, and its earliest political leaders acted as its biggest salesmen. An abundance of largely untapped natural resources offered a variety of ways to make a fortune, attracting businessmen looking for new capitalist ventures. The backcounties of southern West Virginia failed to develop at the same rate as other regions of the state. Politicians saw the coming of the coal industry as an opportunity for unlimited expansion of industry to the areas that heretofore had been too remote to see any real industrial development. When describing his and Governor Aretus B. Fleming’s participation in this development, Governor William A. MacCorkle went so far as to state that the two of them served as “advertising agents on a large scale.”1 Since its first exploitation, coal has remained the sole economic driving force for most of southern West Virginia and has You Scratch My Back,and I’ll ScratchYours 61 continually wielded more political power in the area than it did in other coal regions of Appalachia.2 In West Virginia, development of the coal industry equalled progress. The lines between the two primary political parties became undetectable as support for the coal industry superseded all other allegiances. In fact, alliances formed around the coal interests with the singular purpose of defeating any threats to the established economic system, especially any legislation that endangered the powerful coal industry. Ex-Governor Fleming had firsthand knowledge of such ties, going so far as to tell a potential gubernatorial candidate that he was not in politics for any particular side but to defeat anyone fighting against the coal interests.3 The coal interests realize the importance of having a politician on their side during key legislative battles and in important government jobs, and they are diligent in forming their alliances with politicians. There are key positions at the state level that could aid the coal interests—governor , legislative leaders, tax commissioner, and the Department of Natural Resources director. Tax commissioners have the power to set favorable rates on taxes for coal companies. Many have done just that. A 1972 study by the Appalachian Regional Defense Fund found that once they had left their posts, many former tax commissioners found corporate jobs within the coal industry or at a coal-dependent enterprise.4 The same can be said of West Virginia’s ex-governors. Since the time of the 1972 study, every governor has been closely aligned with the coal industry, often obtaining employment with a coal company after leaving office or continuing to support the coal companies in his political career. These politicians realized that political success hinged upon their backing the coal industry. The economic policies embraced by West Virginia’s politicians are inextricably linked to coal and have become a solid part of the region’s history. Citizens, in turn, are caught in a vise between politics on one side and the coal industry on the other. The large amount of absentee landownership ensured that outside interests would take precedence over the well-being of actual residents of the region. West Virginia Democrats and Republicans are quite similar in their alliance with coal companies. The majority of West Virginia’s governors, for instance, have been affiliated with the coal industry either as owner, manager, or lawyer, a fact that has greatly benefited the industry. In es- Chapter Four 62 sence, political and business leaders are so closely aligned that differentiating between the two roles is nearly indiscernible. One example of this occurred during Governor Cecil Underwood’s second term (1997–2001). Underwood, a former Island Creek Coal Company executive, relieved several coal companies of more than $400 million in unpaid workers’ compensation premiums and interest by dismissing lawsuits initiated by Underwood’s predecessor, Gaston Caperton.5 The larger companies contended that they did not owe money...