-
Foreword
- Weaver Press
- Chapter
- Additional Information
viii Foreword Zimbabwe’s democratization debate has occupied much discourse on whether the conflict-ridden country is in transition or not. This is in a context where there is doubt about the nature of the state itself: on one hand, is it a fragile state, and on the other, is it a strong and unco-operative regime? Our conceptualization is that a transition is an interval of intense contestation and uncertain outcomes between political regimes. Zimbabwe entered such a period with the signing of the GPA, but the transition is nascent, fragile and far from complete. The pre-2009 state had, by many measures, deteriorated into a fragile one. Electoral controversy resulted in international isolation. By the end of 2002, the European Union had imposed a non-comprehensive set of sanctions and restrictive measures, while the United States of America enacted the Zimbabwe Democracy and Economic Recovery Act. The 11 March 2007 violence against pro-democracy actors invited regional attention, forcing the SADC bloc to appoint South Africa’s President Thabo Mbeki as an inter-party dialogue facilitator. The tortuous and rather secretive negotiations culminated in the signing of the Global Political Agreement (GPA) in September 2008. Thus, the deteriorating socio-economic and political situation was, in part, reversed. The Inclusive Government (IG) brought into the picture a new trajectory in the country’s democratization. Political and economic reforms were agreed, and helped in halting the slide towards an economic implosion. To its credit, the IG introduced, inter alia, Davie Malungisa ix the Government Work Programme (2009); the Short-Term Emergency Recovery Program, STERP I (2009) and the three-year Macro-Economic and Budget Framework, STERP II (2010); the Medium Term Plan (2011); the National Trade Policy (2012); the Industrial Policy (2012) and the Accelerated Arrears Clearance, Debt and Development Strategy (2012). However, the terms of international re-engagement are yet to be defined, and a shift towards a neo-liberal order cannot be ruled out. On the political front, the IG has introduced key political reforms. These include the constitutional reform process, guided by the Constitutional Parliamentary Committee. Key parliamentary commissions such as the Human Rights Commission, the Anti-Corruption Commission and the Media Commission are in place, and are enjoying mixed success. However, the absence of a paradigm shift in the exercise of political authority is evident. Distrust among the political parties has actually increased, the security services sector still wields overbearing political power and electoral reforms are limping along. Is Zimbabwe moving backward or forward? Faced with such a question, the search for a rigorous analysis has always been crucial. Both state and non-state actors are paralyzed when it comes to finding a way out of the seemingly complex transition. As an Institute specializing in democratic governance, our mandate is to step back and contribute to the analytical debate; this book was conceived as an attempt to fulfill that mandate. The chapters in Zimbabwe: Mired in Transition seek to explore the dynamics working for and against a successful democratic outcome. The search for a democratic alternative – where citizens are at the centre of democratic governance – remains IDAZIM’s value proposition. Davie Malungisa IDAZIM Executive Director Harare May 2012 [3.238.62.124] Project MUSE (2024-03-28 11:34 GMT) ...