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— 207 — At the October 1989 retreat it was decided that Zimbabwe Project must become more involved in advocating for policies that would assist the marginalised in creating secure livelihoods. After the introduction of ESAP in the following year this became a more urgent imperative. ZimPro had in fact always been ‘political ’ in the broadest sense of the word – that is in terms of its commitment to providing opportunities for the disadvantaged, pursuing the collective approach to co-operatives which tried to avoid exploitation, and promoting democratic forms of decisionmaking . Within the organisation transparency was the byword and equality was a goal. These were taken as essential components of development, as was self-reliance. And the public promotion of these values and practices began with ZimPro’s first activities on Zimbabwean soil. Assisting the Co-operative Movement As early as 1982, ZimPro had taken the lead in assisting collective co-ops to form their own umbrella movement to help each other with common problems. Part of the aim from the beginning in sponsoring ZPMCO and, later, OCCZIM was that the movement would take the co-ops under their wing and lobby for the appropriate public support themselves, rather than being dependent on ZimPro to promote their cause. This would then leave ZimPro free to focus on those ex-combatants who were not part of collectives.1 The first meeting of collective co-ops had taken place at Cold Comfort Farm in January 1982, apparently inspired by John Con16 Advocating for Change 1983–1996 — 208 — Against the Odds: a history of Zimbabwe Project radie.2 Eight co-operatives were represented. A second meeting was held only three months later at Batsiranai co-op, with 23 collectives participating. ZimPro had facilitated these meetings by providing transport, food and stationery as well as administrative support, and had also already begun to print Vanguard, a newsletter for co-ops.3 This publication reported on developments and problems at various co-ops assisted by ZimPro, thus giving them a forum for learning about each other and sharing problems and successes. At the Batsiranai meeting a liaison committee of six was set up, and in July a decision was taken by 38 co-ops at a third meeting, held at Simukai, to launch the organisation known as the Zimbabwe Producer and Marketing Co-operative Organisation (ZPMCO). A constitution was adopted and a committee of ten elected. One conference resolution stated that they would dedicate themselves to ‘work[ing] selflessly for the eradication of ignorance, poverty, disease, corruption and capitalist exploitation, and any exploitation of whatever nature’ (Nyathi and Hoffman 1990:84). As Andrew Nyathi wrote: It was all very exciting. By January 1983, ZPMCO could claim to have brought over 50 collectives together into an organisation with an individual membership running to several thousand’ (Ibid.:83). ZimPro handed over Vanguard to the fledgling organisation, and the first edition under ZPMCO’s administration was produced in January and printed by Memorial Co-op. The work of the movement would take place on two fronts. First would be with member co-operatives in the areas of access to capital, technical training and assistance with co-operative management. Second, it would work to promote advocacy within the wider community on behalf of co-operative social and economic organisation, carving a niche for socialist enterprise and, from a strong base, widening it to influence society as a whole. However, there was to be no smooth sailing. As pointed out earlier, the new Zimbabwe had inherited a staunchly capitalist economy and the erstwhile socialist liberators were beginning to find their place within it somewhat uncomfortable. Government showed no inclination to change legal or any other [18.190.156.80] Project MUSE (2024-04-25 12:08 GMT) — 209 — Advocating for Change provisions to enable socialism to emerge. Its pressing concern was with correcting racism, and they proved not averse to protecting entrenched class interests. ZPMCO met with resistance from the Ministry of Lands, especially from the Permanent Secretary, Dr Langford Chitsike. Even though his Minister, Moven Mahachi, had been a member of the famous pioneer co-op, Cold Comfort Farm, Chitsike’s own interpretation of what was required to serve ZANU-PF did not include the promotion of collectives. ZPMCO’s attempt to register was refused on the basis that it should not be an independent organisation, but rather fall under existing co-operative organisations. Those organisations existed within a legal framework that was neither collective nor socialist, which would be...

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